# A grammar of Moloko

Dianne Friesen with Mana Djeme Isaac, Ali Gaston, and Mana Samuel

African Language Grammars and Dictionaries 3

### African Language Grammars and Dictionaries

Chief Editor: Adams Bodomo Editors: Ken Hiraiwa, Firmin Ahoua

In this series:


# A grammar of Moloko

Dianne Friesen with Mana Djeme Isaac, Ali Gaston, and Mana Samuel

Dianne Friesen with Mana Djeme Isaac, Ali Gaston, and Mana Samuel. 2017. *A grammar of Moloko* (African Language Grammars and Dictionaries 3). Berlin: Language Science Press. This title can be downloaded at: http://langsci-press.org/catalog/book/118 © 2017, Dianne Friesen with Mana Djeme Isaac, Ali Gaston, and Mana Samuel Published under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Licence (CC BY 4.0): http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ ISBN: 978-3-946234-63-0 (Digital) 978-3-946234-62-3 (Hardcover) 978-3-96110-010-1 (Softcover) DOI:10.5281/zenodo.824016

Cover and concept of design: Ulrike Harbort Typesetting: Barb Penner, Felix Kopecky Proofreading: Amr Zawawy, Andreas Hölzl, Aviva Shimelman, Bev Erasmus, Brett Reynolds, Christian Döhler, Cormac Anderson, Daniel Riaño, Eitan Grossman, Elizabeth Bogal-Allbritten, Ezekiel Bolaji, Gerald Delahunty, Ikmi Nur Oktavianti, Jean Nitzke, Ken Manson, Lea Schäfer, Linda Lanz, Maria Isabel Maldonado, Michael Rießler, Myke Brinkerhoff, Ludger Paschen, Prisca Jerono, Steve Pepper, Varun deCastro-Arrazola Fonts: Linux Libertine, Arimo, DejaVu Sans Mono Typesetting software: XƎLATEX

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## **Foreword**

Documentary work on small and threatened languages has received increased attention in recent decades, to the point that even members of the general public may be aware of the notion of "endangered language." While language documentation itself – the collection and possible archiving of primary audio and video recordings of language, tagged with various types of metadata and typically also (partially) transcribed and translated into a language of wider communication – is valuable for community and scholarly reasons, the importance of developing additional analytical and interpretive works, based in part or in whole on such documentary materials, must not be discounted. The latter assist multiple communities – ranging from the speakers themselves, to scholars, educators, government officers, journalists and media enterprises, and even the general public – to appreciate the intricate intellectual, cultural, and creative achievements and knowledge of the speakers and the cultures built with these languages.

It is thus my pleasure to recommend this very fine grammar on Moloko, a little-studied Chadic (Afro-Asiatic) language, spoken by upwards of 10,000 people in Cameroon. Its principal author lived in the Moloko region of Cameroon for nearly a decade, studying the Moloko language and collaborating directly with community members. From my own experiences, I can attest that it is no small endeavor to produce any reference grammar, much less a linguistically sophisticated one like this. The quality of the grammar clearly reflects Dianne Friesen's substantive and deep knowledge of the language, as well as her persistence in the face of many significant obstacles to see this published grammar come to fruition.

The work is a rich treasure trove, giving insight not just into the workings of the Moloko linguistic system, but also into cultural issues. The presentation notably fronts several translated and analyzed Moloko texts which, in themselves, give us glimpses of Moloko thought and life. Throughout, the grammar then often illustrates claims about grammatical phenomena using examples drawn from these texts. This enables the reader to evaluate the claims and data in their larger communicative context. The analytical chapters discuss intricate phonological phenomena including word-level palatalization and labialization

### Foreword

"prosodies," lexical matters including how semantic distinctions in the verbal lexicon affect morphosyntactic patterns, multiple syntactic issues that help reveal (as Friesen puts it) the "genius" of the language, and various discourse phenomena. The work concludes with a bilingual lexicon and indices, enhancing its use as a reference work.

After having consulted with Dianne Friesen across several years on the content, analysis, and exposition of many parts of this grammar, it is supremely evident to me that this work is grounded in extensive collaboration and dialogue between the principle author and members of the Moloko community. It also reflects respectful consideration of analyses reported in manuscripts and publications produced by previous researchers, and it is enriched by an understanding of Chadic phenomena more generally. It also is grounded in typological and theoretical knowledge of linguistic patterns beyond Chadic. As a whole, the work reflects some of the best practices in scholarly research and practice around small and little-studied languages.

The various collaborators and contributors to this published grammar are to be thoroughly congratulated for the quality and excellence of their work. It is also my hope that this grammar will stand as testament and encouragement to others working on minority languages of the real possibility of seeing their knowledge be "put to paper" in a way that becomes useful and is of benefit to others. Attention to the details, while holding onto the big vision, matter. Grit makes a difference. Persistence produces results. Do not be discouraged in doing well.

Doris Payne Eugene, Oregon June 7, 2016

## **Acknowledgments**

### Many thanks

To the Moloko men and women who shared their stories and fables with me. These are the people whose stories we have used for this analysis: Abelden, Ali Gaston, Baba Abba, Dungaya, Dungaya Daniel, Dugujé, Kama Joseph, Majay Moïze, Mala, Malatina Moïze, Mana Samuel, Njida, Sali Anouldéo Justin, Tajay Suzanne, Tajike, and Tsokom.

To the Moloko men who transcribed and translated the texts, entered them into the computer, and helped me understand what they mean: Ali Gaston, Holmaka Marcel, Mana Djeme Isaac, Mana Samuel, Oumar Abraham, Sali Anouldéo Justin, and Sambo Joël.

To colleagues who also worked among the Moloko: Megan Mamalis, Alan and DeEtte Starr, Ginger Boyd, and Catherine Bow.

To Jenni Beadle, for smoothly taking the verb tone files from shoebox to the chart in the appendix.

To Dr. Aaron Shryock, Rhonda Thwing, and Richard Gravina, for tireless interest in the intricacies of Moloko, and miles and miles of red ink in the early drafts.

To Sean Allison, for gracious, detailed comments and challenges on one of the later drafts.

To Dr. Doris Payne, for incredible insights, encouragement, and perseverance.

To Barb Penner and Felix Kopecky, for expert typesetting.

To the editors, staff and many reviewers from Language Science Press for their wise and discerning oversight and guidance in all aspects of bringing this document to publication and making it available to others.

To the Moloko people who welcomed me to their land and into their homes, and for whose sakes we strive to understand more about this language.

*Malan manjan ana Hərmbəlom!* (Glory to God)

## **Abbreviations**


## **1 Introduction**

Although this grammar book is currently more than 100,000 words long, it truly only scratches the surface of this beautiful language. Moloko grammar is interesting and complex; we encourage further study to demonstrate its genius in more detail.

The notable features of the language include the following:


### 1 Introduction


Linguistic classification, language use, and previous research are outlined in Sections 1.1 to 1.3. The four texts that follow in Sections 1.4–1.7 are chosen from among many that were recorded while the first author lived in the Moloko region from 1999 to 2008. They are used with permission. These stories belong to the community because they represent their collective knowledge and culture. As such, no individual will be named as 'author' of any particular story. Many of the examples from the grammar sections in this book are taken from these stories. The sentence numbers are given in the examples so that the reader can refer to the complete texts and locate the example in its context. The first line in each sentence is the orthographic form. The second is the phonetic form (slow speech) with morpheme breaks. The third line is the gloss and the fourth is the translation.

<sup>1</sup>Newman (1973) noted that the term "verbal extension" was widely used in Chadic languages to describe "optional additions that serve to expand or modify the meaning of the basic verb (173:334). Note that the term "extension" for Chadic languages has a different use than for Bantu languages. Verbal "extensions " in languages from the Niger-Congo, Nilo-Saharan, and Khoisan families have derivational or inflectional functions (Hyman 2007).

1.1 Linguistic classification

### **1.1 Linguistic classification**

Moloko (or Melokwo, Molkore,<sup>2</sup> Məloko<sup>3</sup> ) is classified by Lewis, Simons & Fennig (2009)<sup>4</sup> as Central Chadic Biu-Mandara A5, as seen in Figure 1.1. A more detailed discussion of the classification of Moloko is found in Bow (1997a).

The Ethnologue (Lewis, Simons & Fennig 2009) reports 8,500 speakers of Moloko in 1992. A survey by Starr (1997) estimated 10,000–12,000 speakers. Most live near Moloko mountain, 30km north of Maroua in the district of Tokombere, department of Mayo-Sava in the Far North Province of the Republic of Cameroon. Local oral history indicates that the Moloko people actually are not a single people group historically, but that people from at least three ethnic groups sought refuge on Moloko mountain during the Fulani invasions of the 19th century. Eventually they all came to speak the same language.

Moloko mountain remains the center of Moloko culture. There are three villages on the summit itself. Moloko villages are organised by clan, each village being the male descendants of a particular clan and their families. Since the 1960's, some of the Moloko language group have moved to the plains between the mountain and Maroua, and have settled in Moloko or Giziga-Moloko villages. Others have moved further away and live in small communities in and around the cities of Maroua, Garoua, Toubouro, Kousseri, and Yaounde. Minor dialectal differences exist in pronunciation and vocabulary but all speakers can understand one another without difficulty.

### **1.2 Language use, language contact, and multilingualism**

A minority of Moloko speakers are monolingual. Most speak three to five other languages. Men and most women have at least a market level knowledge of Fulfulde, the language of wider communication, and also speak at least one of the neighboring languages: Giziga, Muyang, Gemzek, Mbuko, or Dugwor. Those with several years of education also speak French.

Men often marry women from neighboring language groups, so homes can be multilingual, but the spoken language at home tends to be the language of the father. Friends will often switch languages as they are conversing, perhaps when

<sup>2</sup>Molkore is the Fulfulde name for Moloko.

<sup>3</sup>Məloko is the spelling for this name using the Moloko orthography. The orthography, described in Friesen (2001), is being used by the Moloko (more than a dozen titles are listed in the reference section).

<sup>4</sup>Dieu & Renaud (1983) classify it as [154] Chadic family, Biu Mandara branch, center-west subbranch, Wandala-Mafa group, Mafa-south sub-group (A5).


Figure 1.1: Classification of Moloko

### 1.3 Previous research

talking in different domains, but also simply to bond. Dealings in the market can be done in the trade language, but people prefer to bargain in the language of the seller, if possible.

Language viability for Moloko is only at risk in communities where Moloko is not the primary language, especially in cities like Maroua or Yaounde. In the city, children grow up in neighborhoods where many different languages are spoken and so they tend to speak Fulfulde (as well as learn French at school). In such places, Moloko is at risk to be lost in the next generation. Otherwise, in areas where Moloko people are together, Moloko language use is strong among people of every age and in every domain of home life.

### **1.3 Previous research**

Bradley (1992) is a dialect survey of the Moloko region from Moloko mountain to Maroua. Bow (1997c) is a phonological description which included some discussion on tone. Bow (1999) is an M.A. thesis which further studied the vowel system. These two documents, along with discoveries since their work form the basis of the phonology chapter and phonology sections in the verb and noun chapters. Other works consulted include the following: Bow (1997a) presents the classification of Moloko. Bow (1997b) is a manuscript on labialisation and palatalisation in Moloko. Starr, Boyd & Bow (2000) is a 1500 word lexicon, and Friesen (2001) an orthography. Boyd (2002) analyses lexical tone in nouns. Boyd (2001), Oumar & Boyd (2002), Holmaka & Boyd (2002), Holmaka (2002), and Friesen (2003) present interlinearised texts. Friesen (2003) also presents two Moloko fables with a cultural commentary concerning each. The Moloko translation committee has produced (among other work) two primers (Moloko Translation Committee 2004a, 2008), transfer primers from French (Moloko Translation Committee 2005a) and Fulfulde (Moloko Translation Committee 2007a), as well as several booklets with fables (Moloko Translation Committee 2004b, 2005b, 2007a–2007d).

Friesen & Mamalis (2008) describe the Moloko verb phrase, an analysis which is reflected in this work. Prior to Friesen and Mamalis, only a few documents touched on the syntax of Moloko. The phonology statement in 1997c explored the grammar of verbs in relation to tone, and a few comparative studies of several Chadic languages included Moloko data (Rossing 1978, Blama 1980, and de Colombel 1982). Rossing described Moloko noun prefixes and suffixes, plural and adjective markers, and pronouns. He also mentioned a nominalising prefix on the verb stem that formed the nominalised form. Boyd (2003) is a draft of a grammar sketch; her findings are cited where they add to this present work.

### **1.4 Snake story**

This true story was recorded in Lalaway, Far North Province of Cameroon, in 2007.

### **Setting**


### **Episode 1**

(4) Alala na, gogolvan na, olo alay. a-l=ala 3s-go=to na psp gʷɔgʷɔlvaŋ snake na psp ɔ̀-lɔ=alaj 3s+pfv-go=away 'Some time later, the snake went.'

### **Inciting moment**

(5) Acar a hay kəre ava fo fo fo. à-tsar 3s-climb a at haj house kɪrɛ wood ava in fɔ fɔ fɔ id:sound of snake 'It climbed into the beams in the roof of the house *fo fo fo*.'


### **Peak episode**


námənjar na, mbajak mbajak mbajak gogolvan! ná-mənzar 1s+ifv-see na psp mbadzak mbadzak mbadzak id:something big and reflective gʷɔgʷɔlvaŋ snake 'I was seeing it, something big and reflective, a snake!'

(12) Ne awəy, "A, enen baj na, memey na!" nɛ 1s awij said a interj. ɛnɛŋ snake baj neg na psp mɛmɛj how na psp 'I said to myself, "Wah! It's a snake!"' (lit. a snake, if not, how)

### 1 Introduction


kəl kəl kə ndahan aka kəl kəl exactly kə on ndahaŋ 3s aka on '[that the spear went] exactly on him.'


### **Dénouement**

(19) Hor əwla olo alay awəy egege, hʷɔr=uwla woman=1s.poss ɔ̀-lɔ=alaj 3s+pfv-go=to awij said ɛgɛgɛ that 'My wife went and said,' "A a nəngehe na, Hərmbəlom aloko ehe. a a exclamation nɪŋgɛhɛ dem na psp Hʊrmbʊlɔm=alɔkʷɔ God=2s.poss ɛhɛ here '"Wah! This one here, our God [is] really here [with us].' Bəyna anjakay nok ha a slam məndəye ango ava, bijna because à-nzak-aj 3s+pfv-find-cl nɔkʷ 2s ha until a at ɬam place mɪ-nd-ijɛ=aŋgʷɔ nom-sleep-cl=2s ava in 'Because it found you even in your bed.' (lit. all the way to the place of your lying) alala Hərmbəlom ajənok na, səwse Hərmbəlom."

a-l=ala 3s-go=to Hʊrmbʊlɔm God à-dzən=ɔkʷ 3s+pfv-help=2s.io na ʃuwʃɛ psp thanks Hʊrmbʊlɔm God 'And then God helped you; thanks [be to] God!"'


"Baba ákaɗ gogolvan, baba ákaɗ gogolvan!" baba father á-kaɗ 3s+ifv-kill gʷɔgʷɔlvaŋ snake baba father á-kaɗ 3s+ifv-kill gʷɔgʷɔlvaŋ snake '"Papa killed a snake, Papa killed a snake!"'

### 1 Introduction

(23) Tájaka kəygehe. tá-dz=aka 3p+ifv-say=on kijgɛhɛ like that 'They said it like that.'

### **Conclusion**

(24) Ka nehe ləbara a ma ndana ɗəwge. ka like nɛhɛ dem ləbara news a gen ma word ndana dem ɗuwgɛ actual 'And so was that story.'

### **1.5 Disobedient Girl story**

This fable was recorded in Lalaway, Far North Province of Cameroon, in 2002.

### **Setting**


barka=va blessing=prf 'Long ago, to the Moloko people, God had given his blessing.'


həmbo na, ásak nə məsəke. hʊmbɔ flour na psp á-sak 3s+ifv-multiply nə with mɪ-ʃɪk-ɛ nom-multiply-cl 'the flour, it multiplied with multiplying.'

(7) War elé háy bəlen fan na*,* war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one faŋ yet na psp 'Just one grain of millet,'

> ájata pɛw ha ámbaɗ ɛʃɛ. á-nz=ata 3s+ifv-suffice=3p.io pɛw enough ha until á-mbaɗ 3s+ifv-remain ɛʃɛ again 'it sufficed for them, even to leaving leftovers.' (lit. until it remained again)

(8) Waya a məhaya ahan ava na, waja because a at mə-h=aja=ahaŋ nom-grind=plu=3s.poss ava in na psp 'Because, during its grinding,'

### 1 Introduction

ásak kə ver aka nə məsəke. á-sak 3s+ifv-multiply kə on vɛr grinding stone aka on nə with mɪ-ʃɪk-ɛ nom-multiply-cl 'it would actually multiply on the grinding stone.' (lit. multiply with multiplying)

### **Episode 1**


à-lɔ 3s+pfv-go à-z=ala 3s+pfv-take=to dalaj girl 'He went and took a wife.'


dək medakan na, mənjəye ata. dək id:show mɛ-dak=aŋ nom-show=3s.io na 3s.do mɪ-nʒ-ijɛ=atəta nom-sit-cl=3p.poss 'instructed her in their habits.' (lit. instructing their sitting)

(13) Awəy, "Hor golo, afa ləme na, awij said hʷɔr woman gʷɔlɔ hon afa at place of lɪmɛ 1Pex na psp 'He said, "My dear wife, here at our (exclusive) place,

mənjəye aləme na, kəygehe. mɪ-nʒ-ijɛ=alɪmɛ nom-sit-cl=2Pex.poss na psp kijgɛhɛ like this 'it is like this.' Asa asok aməhaya na, asa if à-s=ɔkʷ 3s+pfv-please=2s.io amə-h=aja dep-grind=plu na psp 'If you want to grind' (lit. if grinding pleases you), kázaɗ war elé háy bəlen. ká-zaɗ 2s+ifv-take war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one 'you take only one grain.' War elé háy bəlen ga nəndəye nok amezəɗe na, war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one ga adj nɪndijɛ dem nɔkʷ 2s amɛ-ʒɪɗ-ɛ dep-take-cl na psp 'That one grain that you have taken,' káhaya na kə ver aka. ká-h=aja 2s+ifv-grind=plu na 3s.do kə on vɛr grinding stone aka on 'grind it on the grinding stone,' Ánjaloko de pew. á-nz=alɔkʷɔ 3s+ifv-suffice=1Pin.io dɛ enough pɛw finished 'It will suffice for all of us just enough.' Ádaloko ha ámbaɗ ese. á-d=alɔkʷɔ 3s+ifv-prepare=1Pin.io ha until á-mbəɗ 3s+ifv-left over ɛʃɛ again 'It will make food for all of us, until there is some left over.' Waya a məhaya ahan ava na, waja because a at mə-h=aja=ahaŋ nom-grind=plu=3s.poss ava in na psp

'because, during the grinding,'

### 1 Introduction

Hərmbəlom anday ásakaləme na aka." Hʊrmbʊlɔm God a-ndaj 3s-prg á-sak=alɪmɛ 3s+ifv-multiply=1Pex.io na=aka 3s.do=on 'God is multiplying it for us."'


### **Episode 2**


ɗen bəlen tə kə ver aka, ɗɛŋ id:put bɪlɛŋ one tə id:put one kə on vɛr stone aka, on '[she put] one grain on the grinding stone.'

(19) Awəy, "Gəlo ahay nehe azla na, malmay nəngehe na may? awij said gʊlɔ=ahaj fellow=Pl nɛhɛ dem aɮa now na psp malmaj what nɪŋgɛhɛ dem na psp maj what 'She said, "Friends, here, what is this?'

Háy bəlen azla na, náambəzaka məhaya əwla na, haj millet bɪlɛŋ one aɮa now na, psp náá-mbəz=aka 1s+pot-ruin=on mə-h=aja=uwla nom-grind=plu=1s.poss na psp 'One grain, [with it] I know I will ruin my grinding.'

Meme ege mey? mɛmɛ how ɛ-g-ɛ 3s-do-cl mɛj how 'What is happening?' (lit. how it does)

Nehe na, məseɓete hərav əwla ɗaw? nɛhɛ dem na psp mɪ-ʃɛɓɛt-ɛ nom-deceive-cl hərav=uwla body=1s.poss ɗaw q 'This, am I deceiving my body?'

Bəy na, malmay? bij neg na psp malmaj what 'If not, what is it then?'

Aya jen ele ahay nendəye na, nagala kəyga bay." aja so dʒɛŋ chance ɛlɛ=ahaj thing=Pl nɛndijɛ dem na psp nà-g=ala 1s+pfv-do=to kijga like this baj neg 'Above all, these things, I have never done like this."'

### **Peak episode**

(20) Jo madala háy na, gam. dzɔ id:take ma-d=ala nom-prepare=to haj millet na psp gam a lot '[She] prepared lots of millet.' (lit. millet prepared, lots)

### 1 Introduction


'[The flour] suffocated the woman.' (lit. plugged the room for the woman [so there was no place for her to even breathe])

nata ndahan dəɓəsolək məmətava alay nata and then ndahaŋ 3s dʊɓʊsɔlʊkʷ id:collapse/die mə-mət=ava=alaj nom-die=in=away 'and she collapsed *dəɓəsolək*, dying' a hoɗ a haj na ava. a at hʷɔɗ stomach a gen haj house na psp ava in 'inside the house.'

### **Dénouement**

(27) Embesen cacapa na, zar ahan angala. ɛ-mbɛʃɛŋ 3s-rest tsatsapa some time na psp zar=ahaŋ man=3s.poss à-ŋgala 3s+pfv-return 'After a while, her husband came back.' (28) Pok mapalay mahay na, pɔkʷ id:open ma-p=alaj nom-open=away mahaj door na psp 'Opening the door,' həmbo árah na a hoɗ a hay ava.

hʊmbɔ flour á-rax 3s+ifv-fill na 3s.do a at hʷɔɗ stomach a gen haj house ava in 'the flour filled the stomach (the interior) of the house.'

(29) Ndahan aməmənjere ele nendəye na, awəy, ndahaŋ 3s amɪ-mɪnʒɛr-ɛ dep-see-cl ɛlɛ thing nɛndijɛ dem na psp awij said 'He, seeing the things, he said,'

> "Aw aw aw, hor ngehe na, acaw aka va aw aw aw cry of death hʷɔr woman ŋgɛhɛ dem na psp à-ts=aw 3s+pfv-understand=1s.io =aka=va =on =prf '"Ah, this woman, today, she didn't listen' ma əwla amahan na bay esəmey? ma=uwla word=1s.poss ama-h=aŋ dep-speak=3s.io na 3s.do baj neg ɛʃɪmɛj not so 'to my instructions, did she?'

Agə na va ele ne amahan aməjəye à-gə 3s+pfv-do na=va 3s.do=prf ɛlɛ thing nɛ 1s ama-h=aŋ dep-say=3s.io amɪ-dʒ-ijɛ dep-say-cl 'She has done the thing that I told her' mege bay na esəmey? mɛ̀-g-ɛ 3s+hor-do-cl baj neg na psp ɛʃɪmɛj not so 'she should not do, not so?' Nde nége ehe na, memey gəlo ahay?" ndɛ so nɛ́-g-ɛ 1s+ifv-do-cl ɛhɛ here na psp mɛmɛj how gʊlɔ=ahaj friend=Pl 'So, what can I do here, my friends?"'


### **Conclusion**


### **1.6 Cicada story**

This fable was recorded in Maroua, Far North Province of Cameroon, in 2001.

### **Setting**


### **Episode 1**

(5) Tánday tə́talay a ləhe na, tá-ndaj 3p+ifv-prg tə́-tal-aj 3p-walk-cl a at lɪhɛ bush na psp '[As] they were walking in the bush,' təlo tənjakay agwazla malan ga a ləhe. tə̀-lɔ 3p+pfv-go tə̀-nzak-aj 3p+pfv-find-cl agʷaɮa spp. of tree malaŋ large ga adj a at lɪhɛ bush 'they went and found a large tree (a particular species) in the bush.'

### **Episode 2**


Káazəɗom anaw ala agwazla ndana ka mahay əwla aka. káá-zʊɗ-ɔm 2p+pot-take-2p an=aw dat=1s.io =ala =to agʷaɮa spp. of tree ndana dem ka on mahaj=uwla door=1s.poss aka on 'You will bring that tree to my door for me.'

Káafəɗom anaw ka mahay əwla aka." káá-fʊɗ-ɔm 2p+pot-put-2p an=aw dat=1s.io ka on mahaj=uwla door=1s.poss aka on 'You will put it by my door."'

(10) Bahay kəlen ede gəzom. bahaj chief kɪlɛŋ then à-d-ɛ 3s+pfv-prepare-cl gʊzɔm beer 'The king then made millet beer.'


ágasaka ka mahay ango aka, á-gas=aka 3s+ifv-get=on ka at mahaj=aŋgʷɔ door=2s.poss aka on 'It would be pleasing if it would be by your door,'

bəyna agwazla ga səlom ga; aɓəsay ava bay." bijna because agʷaɮa spp. of tree ga adj sʊlɔm good ga adj aɓəsaj blemish ava ext baj neg 'because this tree is good; it has no faults."'

### **Episode 3**

(15) Bahay alala a həlan na, ndahan gədok mədəye gəzom. bahaj chief à-l=ala 3s+pfv-go=to a at həlaŋ back na psp ndahaŋ 3s gʊdɔkʷ id:prepare beer mɪ̀-d-ijɛ nom-prepare-cl gʊzɔm beer 'The chief then came behind [and] he made millet beer.'


'[And then], the chief came behind, saying,'

"Náanjakay na wa amazaw ala agwazla ana ne na way? náá-nzak-aj 1s+pot-find-cl na psp wa who ama-z=aw dep-take=1s.io =ala =to agʷaɮa spp. of tree ana dat nɛ 1s na psp waj who '"Who can I find to bring to me this tree for me?'

Kə mahay aka na náambasaka na, kə on mahaj door aka on na psp náá-mbas=aka 1s+pot-rest=on na psp 'By my door I will be able to rest well.'

Mama agwazla səlom ga lala." mama mother agʷaɮa spp. of tree sʊlɔm good ga adj lala well 'The mother-tree is very good."'

### **Prepeak**

(19) Kəlen bahay na, olo kə mətəɗe aka. kɪlɛŋ then bahaj chief na psp ɔ̀-lɔ 3s+pfv-go kə on mɪtɪɗɛ cicada aka on 'Then, the chief went to the cicada.'

### 1 Introduction

(20) Mətəɗe awəy, "Bahay, toko! mɪtɪɗɛ cicada awij said bahaj chief tɔkʷɔ go[imp.1Pin] 'The cicada said, "Chief, let's go!'

> Náamənjar na alay memele ga ndana əwɗe." náá-mənzar 1s+pot-see na=alaj 3s.do=away mɛmɛlɛ tree ga adj ndana dem uwɗɛ first 'First I want to see the tree that you spoke of."'

(21) Məze ahay tawəy, "A a məze ahay səlom ahay ga na, mɪʒɛ=ahaj person=Pl tawij 3p+said aa ah mɪʒɛ=ahaj person=Pl sʊlɔm=ahaj good=Pl ga adj na psp 'The people said, "O, even good people,'

tázala təta bay na, tá-z=ala 3p+ifv-take=to təta ability baj neg na psp 'they can't bring it,'

azləna mətəɗe azla, engeren azla, káazala təta na, aɮəna but mɪtɪɗɛ cicada aɮa now ɛŋgɛrɛŋ insect aɮa now káá-z=ala 2s+pot-take=to təta ability na psp 'but you, cicada, an insect, you think you can bring it,

káazala na, malma ango may?" káá-z=ala 2s+pot-take=to na psp malma=aŋgʷɔ what=2s.poss maj what '[if] you do bring it, [then] what is with you?"'


(24) "Náazala! Nde toko əwɗe!" náá-z=ala 1s+pot-take=to ndɛ so tɔkʷɔ go[imp.1Pin] uwɗɛ first '"I will bring [it], but first, let's go!"'

### **Peak**


albaya ahay weley təh anan dəray na, abay. albaja=ahaj youth=Pl wɛlɛj which təx id:put an=aŋ dat=3s.io dəraj head na psp abaj ext+neg

'[and] no one could lift it.' (lit. whichever young man put his head [to the tree in order to lift it], there was none)


### 1 Introduction

### **Dénouement**

(30) Amagala ləmes, "Te te te te ver na tepəɗek təvəw na tambəɗek…" ama-g=ala dep-do=to lɪmɛʃ song Tɛ tɛ tɛ tɛ vɛr na tɛpɪɗɛk təvuw na tambɪɗɛk… [words of the song]

'He was singing (song is given), [on his way] to [the chief's house].'


### **1.7 Values exhortation**

This exhortation was given in Lalaway, Far North Province of Cameroon, in 2002.

### **Setting**


Pester áhata, "Ey! Ele nehe na, kógom bay!" pɛʃtɛr pastor á-h=ata 3s+ifv-tell=3p.io ɛj hey ɛlɛ thing nɛhɛ dem na psp kɔ́-gʷ-ɔm ifv-do-2p baj neg 'Pastor told them, "Hey! These things, don't do them!"'


### 1 Introduction

(6) Yo ele ahay aməgəye bay nəngehe pat, jɔ well ɛlɛ=ahaj thing=Pl amə-g-ijɛ dep-go-cl baj neg nɪŋgɛhɛ dem pat all 'Well, all these particular things that we are not supposed to do,' tahata na va kə dəftere aka. tà-h=ata 3p+pfv-tell=3p.io na=va 3s.do=prf kə on dɪftɛrɛ book aka on 'they have already told them in the book.' (7) Hərmbəlom awacala kə okor aka. Hʊrmbʊlɔm God à-wats=ala 3s+pfv-write=to kə on ɔkʷɔr stone aka on 'God wrote them on the stone [tablet].' (8) Álala, asara agas. á-l=ala 3s+ifv-go=to asara white man à-gas 3s+pfv-catch 'Later, the white man accepted [it] (lit. caught).' (9) Ege dəftere ahan kə dəwnəya aka. ɛ̀-g-ɛ 3s+pfv-do-cl dɪftɛrɛ=ahaŋ book=3s.poss kə on duwnija earth aka on 'He made his book on the earth.' (10) Ahata na va, "Ele nehe na, awasl,

à-h=ata 3s+pfv-tell=3p.io na=va 3s.do=prf ɛlɛ thing nɛhɛ dem na psp à-waɬ 3s+pfv-forbid 'He has told them already, "This thing is forbidden,' ele nehe na, awasl, ele nehe na, awasl, ɛlɛ thing nɛhɛ dem na psp à-waɬ 3s+pfv-forbid ɛlɛ thing nɛhɛ dem na psp à-waɬ 3s+pfv-forbid 'this thing is forbidden, this thing is forbidden,' ele nehe na, awasl, kəro!" ɛlɛ thing nɛhɛ dem na psp à-waɬ 3s+pfv-forbid kʊrɔ ten

'this thing is forbidden – ten [commandments]"'

	- 'they disperse after church.' (lit. they divide body in mission)

### 1 Introduction


à-lɔ 3s+pfv-go aka on akar theft '[Another] goes and steals.' (lit. he went on theft)


ndahan ese na, kagas ma Hərmbəlom na, asabay na, ndahaŋ 3s ɛʃɛ again na psp ka-gas 2s-catch ma word Hʊrmbʊlɔm God na psp asa-baj again-neg na psp 'if you will never accept the word of God,' (lit. him again, you never catch the word of God)

káagas na anga way? káá-gas 2s+pot-catch na psp aŋga poss waj who

'whose word will you accept then?' (lit. you will catch it, that which belongs to who)


### (39) Pepenna na takaɗ sla. pɛpɛŋ=ŋa long ago=adv na psp tà-kaɗ 3p+pfv-kill ɬa cow 'Long ago, they killed cows.'


ndɛ so ɛhɛ here na psp 'So, here,'

cəcəngehe na məze ahay tandaɗay məze asabay pat. tʃɪtʃɪŋgɛhɛ now na psp mɪʒɛ=ahaj person=Pl ta-ndaɗ-aj 3p-like-cl mɪʒɛ person asa-baj again-neg pat all '[and] now, people don't like each other at all any more.'


ka kərkaɗaw ahay nə hərgov ahay ga a ɓərzlan ava na, ka like kərkaɗaw=ahaj monkey=Pl nə with hʊrgʷɔv=ahaj baboon=Pl ga adj a at ɓərɮaŋ mountain ava in na psp 'like monkeys and baboons on the mountains,' ka ala kəra na, nəsərom dəray bay pat. ka=ala like=to kəra dog na psp nə̀-sʊr-ɔm 1+pfv-know-1Pex dəraj head baj neg pat all '[and] like dogs, we don't understand anything!' (48) Kə wəyen aka ehe tezl tezlezl. kə on wijɛŋ earth aka on ɛhɛ here tɛɮ tɛɮɛɮ id:hollow '[Among the people] on earth here, [we are like] the sound of a hollow cup bouncing on the ground.' (lit. on the earth here, hollow) (49) Nde məze ahay gogor ahay ga na, ngama. ndɛ so mɪʒɛ=ahaj person=Pl gʷɔgʷɔr=ahaj elder=Pl ga adj na psp ŋgama better 'So, our elders [have it] better.' (50) Epele epele na me, Hərmbəlom anday agas ta ɛpɛlɛ ɛpɛlɛ in the future na psp mɛ opinion Hʊrmbʊlɔm God à-ndaj 3s+pfv-prog à-gas 3s+pfv-catch ta 3p.do 'In the future in my opinion, God is going to accept them [the elders]' a ahar ava re. a at ahar hand ava in rɛ sure 'in his hands, in spite [of what the church says].' (51) Ádal hwəsese ga. á-dal 3s+ifv-surpass hʷʊʃɛʃɛ small ga adj 'He is greater than the small ones.' (52) Nde na, kəygehe. ndɛ so na psp kijgɛhɛ like this 'So [it is] like this.'

## **2 Phonology**

The vowel system of Moloko is noteworthy in its simplicity - it can be analysed as having only one underlying phoneme with ten phonetic representations (see Section 2.3).

The phonology of Moloko has been fully discussed by Bow (1997c). The following is a summary of the aspects that are necessary to understand the grammar, with focus on the new work that has been done since her manuscript was initially published.

Bow (1997c) based her phonological outline of Moloko on a database she compiled consisting of around 1500 words, including some 400 verbs and 1000 nouns. Bow's database was modified and extended by Boyd (2002) with a focus on nouns. Later, Mamalis built on their work to describe the tone on verbs, and Friesen discussed phonological word structure of the verb word (Friesen & Mamalis 2008).

Three inter-related phonological factors must be touched on before a discussion of any of them can be fully understood. The first is that Moloko words are built on a consonantal skeleton with only one underlying vowel /a/ (phonetically expressed as the *full vowels* [a, o, œ, æ, ɛ], see Section 2.3) that occurs between only some of the consonants.<sup>1</sup> Some consonant clusters (caused by the absence of an underlying vowel between them) are broken up by epenthetic schwa insertion when they are pronounced (and phonetically expressed as [ə, ʊ, u, ø, ɪ, i]).<sup>2</sup> Although syllable structure will be mentioned in this work, attention will be focussed on the underlying consonantal skeleton. Roberts (2001: 15) notes for Central Chadic languages,

[because] "the consonant skeleton is all-important to the phonological structure, the traditional unit of the syllable is much less useful in the description

<sup>1</sup>Bow (1997c) used the distinction +/- Low, which focused on one phonetic feature, however we have found that the most salient issue in discussing the vowel patterns of this language is the concept of *full* vs. *epenthetic* vowels. For clarity, therefore, this work will use the terms *full* and *epenthetic* to distinguish between the two sets of vowel phones, with *full* referring to /a/ and

its prosodically conditioned allophones, and *epenthetic* referring to schwa and its allophones. 2 Likewise in Muyang, another Central Chadic language closely related to Moloko, it can be shown that syllables are built postlexically from the consonant skeleton by regular rules. Only the low vowel /a/ is phonemic, and all high vowels can be accounted for by means of epenthesis (Smith 1999).

### 2 Phonology

of Central Chadic languages since at the core of every syllable must be a vowel (or some syllabic segment, at least). And in fact, it can be shown for most of these languages that the syllable is a very superficial phenomenon."

### And further on p. 16,

"We conclude then that the syllable is not a unit that can be exploited as it is in other languages to elucidate the phonological structure. It is a surface structure phenomenon whose character is completely predictable from other phonological aspects of lexemes. On the other hand, an underlying structure that is more worthy of study in Central Chadic languages is that of the consonant skeleton that can take up lexical roots; to this core are added other peripheral phonological elements such as vowels, prosodies, and tones."

The second basic phonological factor for Moloko is that all of the vowels (both full and epenthetic) and some of the consonants are affected by word-level labialisation or palatalisation prosodies<sup>3</sup> (see Section 2.1). These prosodies account for most of the vowel and consonant allophones in the language. Palatalisation can be part of certain morphemes, but Moloko is unlike other Chadic languages where palatalisation and labialisation alone can have morphemic status (for example in Muyang where the application of the palatalisation prosody on a noun produces a diminutive, and application of the labialisation prosody produces an augmentative, Smith, personal communication).

The third basic factor is that the final syllable before a pause is stressed in pronunciation. The stressed syllable necessitates a full vowel, meaning that any epenthetic vowel in that syllable will be changed to its full counterpart. The following two example pairs each show the same word in unstressed and stressed environments. Compare [zij] (non-stressed with epenthetic vowel) with [zaj] (stressed with full vowel) in (1) and (2), and [nɔ-zʊm] (non-stressed with epenthetic vowel in final syllable) with [nɔ-zɔm] (stressed with full vowel) in (3) and (4).

(1) [zij peace ɗaw] q 'Is there peace?'

<sup>3</sup> Prosodies in Chadic languages are word-level suprasegmental processes that labialise or palatalise the entire word and affect all vowels and some consonants. See Roberts (2001) for a fuller discussion.


Due to these interrelated factors, much of the phonological discussion will require representation of both the underlying and surface forms of lexemes. The underlying form consists of the consonant and vowel phonemes (written between slashes) and the word prosody (written as a superscripted <sup>e</sup> for palatalisation, <sup>o</sup> for labialisation at the right of the morphemes). A neutral prosody has no superscript. The following examples illustrate the phonetic forms (between square brackets) and underlying forms (between slashes) of nouns that are palatalised (5), labialised (6), and neutral with respect to prosody (7). All of the examples in this work will be presented in the phonetic form unless otherwise indicated.


The phonetic forms of the examples given in this paper are all in citation form (the form of the word when it is pronounced in isolation), and therefore show each word with a stressed final syllable. In each case, the final syllable (whether open or closed) always contains a full vowel, regardless of whether the underlying form has a full vowel or not.

The phonology section of the present work begins with a description of the prosodies of labialisation and palatalisation and their effects (Section 2.1), which leads to a description of the consonant and vowel systems (Sections 2.2 and 2.3,

### 2 Phonology

respectively). An examination of the tone system follows (Section 2.4). Finally, notes on the syllable and word breaks are discussed (see Sections 2.5 and 2.6, respectively). Appendix A includes a list of verbs used in this analysis, showing their imperative form, underlying form, and underlying tone.

### **2.1 Labialisation and palatalisation prosodies**

One of the most basic phonological processes in Moloko is prosody. Chadic linguists refer to prosody as a suprasegmental process where a labialisation or palatalisation feature is applied to a phonological word. Wolff (1981) refers to prosodies as suprasegmental sources of palatalisation and labiovelarisation.

Bow (1997c) has discovered that labialisation and palatalisation work at the morpheme level in Moloko. Both prosodies are attached to a particular morpheme and spread leftward over the entire phonological word. Labialisation affects the back consonants (k, g, ŋg, and h) and vowels; palatalisation affects alveolar fricatives (s and z), affricates (ts and dz, see Section 2.2), and vowels (see Section 2.3). All Moloko words are either labialised, palatalised, or are neutral with respect to prosody. Recent work demonstrates that some syllables can be affected by both labialisation and palatalisation (see Section 2.3.1 and Section 2.3.2).

As stated above, in this work prosody is indicated in the underlying form using superscript symbols included at the right edge of the word: /<sup>o</sup> / to represent labialisation and / <sup>e</sup> / to represent palatalisation. In the phonetic form, the prosody is indicated by the quality of the full vowel in the word ([ɔ] for labialisation, [ɛ] for palatalisation, and [a] for no prosody (see Section 2.3). The examples (8–10) from Bow (1997c) give evidence of contrast between the prosodies in a minimal triplet:

	- 'ten'

The effects of both prosodies on a single underlying form can be seen in the paradigm for the verb /mnzar/ 'see' shown in Table 2.1 (adapted from Bow 1997c). The verb stem is bolded in the table. The 2s imperative is neutral with respect to prosody, while the 2p imperative form involves a labialisation prosody and

### 2.1 Labialisation and palatalisation prosodies

the addition of a suffix /-am <sup>o</sup> / (see Section 7.3.1). The nominalised form carries a palatalisation prosody, and involves the addition of both a prefix /m-/ and suffix /-a <sup>e</sup> /. Note that vowels and some consonants are affected by the prosodies. As previously stated, the vowel /a/ is realised as [ɔ] in labialised forms, and [ɛ] in palatalised forms, while [ə] is realised as [ʊ] in labialised forms and [ɪ] in palatalised forms (see Section 2.3.2). The consonant /nz/ is realised as [nʒ] in palatalised forms (see Section 2.2.3).

Table 2.1: Paradigm for /mnzar/


Labialisation and palatalisation prosodies are lexical features that are applied to a morpheme, and can spread over an entire word. A prosody in the root will spread to a prefix. Compare the prosody in the subject prefixes of the following verbs. In (11), the root is labialised, in (12), the root is palatalised, and in (13), the root is neutral. The underlying forms are given in the examples.


When initiated by a suffix carrying a prosody, the prosody spreads leftwards, affecting all morphemes within the word including prefixes.<sup>4</sup> The effect of the prosody is shown by comparing the vowels and consonants in (14) and (15), both forms of [kaɬ] 'wait,' a verb root with no underlying prosody. The prosody of the

<sup>4</sup>When the prosody of the suffix is neutral, the prosody on the root is neutralised (compare examples 16 and 17).

### 2 Phonology

second person singular verb form remains neutral (14). The second person plural contains the labialised suffix /-ak<sup>o</sup> / (15) and the prosody of the suffix spreads over the entire word. The underlying forms are given in each example. Note that the prosody does not spread to the right across word boundaries since *na*, a separate word, is not affected by the prosody of the verb stem (nor does it neutralise the prosody on the verb).


Palatalised verbs almost always have a palatalised suffix [-ɛ] (see Section 6.6).<sup>5</sup> Whenever there is another suffix or enclitic attached to the verb stem, the [-ɛ] is deleted, taking with it the palatalisation prosody (see Section 6.3). The verb becomes neutral with respect to prosody, as is shown by (16–17). In (16), the verb ends with [-ɛ] and the entire verb form is palatalised. In (17), the enclitic [=va] has replaced the [-ɛ] and the entire verb form is neutral in prosody.


Bow (1997c) found that prosodies seem to have the least effect on word-initial V syllables. She notes that in palatalised words, the first syllable of nouns that begin with /a/ will sometimes be completely palatalised and pronounced [ɛ]. However, often it will have an incomplete palatalisation and be pronounced [æ] or even [a]. See the alternate pronunciations that Bow has found for the words /a- la la<sup>e</sup> / (18) and /a- nd ɓ<sup>e</sup> / (19). Palatalisation is a stronger process than labialisation. In labialised words, the first syllable in words that begin with /a/ will

<sup>5</sup>With the exception of verb stems whose final consonant is /n/, e.g., [tʃɛŋ], /tsan<sup>e</sup> /, 'know'.

2.2 Consonants

often<sup>6</sup> be unaffected by the labialisation and be pronounced [a] (see the alternate pronunciations for the words /a- la ka<sup>o</sup> / in 20 and /a- g ra<sup>o</sup> / in 21).


### **2.2 Consonants**

Bow (1997c) reported 31 consonant phonemes.<sup>7</sup> Since her work, the labiodental flap /ѵ/ in Moloko has been noted, making the total 32 consonantal phonemes.

The labiodental flap /ѵ/ was first described by Olson & Hajek (2004) and is typical of many of the Chadic languages in the Far North Province of Cameroon. In Moloko it is found in ideophones (22–23, see Section 3.6).

(22) [ѵaɓ]

'snake falling'

(23) [ɓaѵaw] 'men running'

Moloko has three sets of sequences which Bow (1997c) interpreted as single units (C) rather than sequences of two consonants (CC). These are prenasalised consonants /mb/, /nd/, /ŋg/, /nz/, affricates /ts/, /dz/, and labialised consonants /kʷ/, /gʷ/, /ŋgʷ/, /hʷ/. In the case of prenasalised consonants, the nasal is always homorganic with the following consonant.<sup>8</sup> Only voiced consonants are prenasalised.

<sup>6</sup>Bow found these first syllables always unaffected by labialisation; Friesen (2001) has found that some speakers do pronounce vowel-initial syllables with labialisation [ɔ].

<sup>7</sup>Bow (1997c) described 30 consonant phonemes although her chart of consonant phonemes included ŋɡʷ, making the total 31.

<sup>8</sup>Note that the phoneme /n/ assimilates to the point of articulation of a following consonant throughout the language.

### 2 Phonology

Allophonic variation for consonants occurs in Moloko due to prosodic conditioning (Section 2.2.3) and word-final variations (Section 2.2.4). There is a relationship between consonants and tone which is considered in Section 2.4.1.

Table 2.2 (adapted from Bow 1997c) shows place and manner of articulation of all phonetic realisations of consonants in Moloko. Allophones are shown in parentheses. The individual phonemes and their allophones are considered in Sections 2.2.1–2.2.4.


Table 2.2: Consonant phonemes

### **2.2.1 Phonetic description**

The list of phonemes and allophones with phonetic description shown in Table 2.3 is adapted from Bow (1997c) and includes additions from our work done since then. The phoneme (inside slashes), the phonetic form (in square brackets), and the orthographic form (non-bracketed) are shown for each consonant


### Table 2.3: List of phonemes and allophones with phonetic description

†Orthographically, 'kw' is word-initial and word-medial, 'wk' is word-final.

### 2 Phonology

phone. All sounds are made with egressive lung air except where otherwise stated (i.e. implosives are made with ingressive pharynx air). The orthography is discussed in Friesen (2001). The orthography conforms to the General Alphabet for Cameroonian Languages. Examples in the grammar sections are written using both the orthography (top line) and phonetic transcription so that both speakers of Moloko and outside linguists can appreciate them.

### **2.2.2 Underlyingly labialised consonants**

Bow (1997c) posited the existence of a set of underlyingly labialised consonant phonemes [kʷ, gʷ, ŋgʷ, hʷ]. She showed them to be phonemes even though each of these consonants is also the realisation in labialised words of their nonlabialised counterpart (see Section 2.2.3). At the surface phonetic level, Bow showed that a labialised velar can have two possible sources, either a labialisation prosody across the whole word (24), or the presence of an underlyingly labialised consonant (25). Example (24) shows consistently labialised vowels indicating labialisation across whole word, while the palatalised vowels in (25) indicate that there is a palatalisation prosody across the whole word; with the presence of an underlyingly labialised velar consonant.


Bow (1997c) found underlyingly labialised consonants in words which do not have a labialisation prosody across the whole word. She concluded that the labialisation feature was attached only to these velar consonants within a word since the prosody only affected those particular consonants and the vowels immediately adjacent to them, while other consonants and vowels within the word were unaffected by the labialisation prosody.<sup>9</sup>

Table 2.4 (adapted from Bow 1997c) shows two pairs of words that are distinguished by the contrast between the underlyingly labialised and non-labialised velars.

<sup>9</sup>Another interpretive option could be positing that the labialisation prosody touches down on the velar consonant but something prevents it from spreading to the rest of the word (Smith, personal communication). For the purposes of this work, we will consider the labialised velar to be a separate phoneme rather than a supra-segmental phenomenon.

2.2 Consonants


Table 2.4: Minimal pairs for word-level labialised prosody vs. labialised consonant

Table 2.5 illustrates words containing each of the labialised velar phonemes. The labialised velars may occur as the word-initial consonant, medial consonant in palatalised words or words of neutral prosody. Only voiceless labialised velars can occur in word-final position (see Section 2.2.4). It is interesting that there are no words of neutral prosody which can have a labialised velar in word-final position. Note that only the vowels that immediately surround a labialised velar consonant are affected by the prosody of the velar consonant (see Section 2.3.3).

Table 2.5: Distribution of labialised velar phonemes


Bow (1997c) found there are several cases in the data where it was impossible to tell whether the consonant is underlyingly labialised or there is a labialisation prosody across the word, as in (26) and (27) (from Bow 1997c).

(26) /s kʷ m/ ~ /s k m <sup>o</sup> / [sʊkʷɔm] 'buy/sell'

2 Phonology

(27) /ma gʷ m/ ~ /ma g m <sup>o</sup> / [mɔgʷɔm] 'home'

Our further work on verb conjugations clarified that (26) actually contains a labialised velar (i.e., the underlying form is /s kʷ m/). The nominalised form of the verb is palatalised, yet the labialised velar is still present (28). If there was no underlyingly labialised velar, the nominalised form would have been \*[mɪsɪkɪmɛ].

(28) mɪ-sɪkʷøm-ɛ nom-buy-cl 'buying'

### **2.2.3 Prosodic conditioning of consonant allophones**

Table 2.6 (adapted from Bow 1997c) shows the effect of prosodic conditioning on each consonant phone. Each consonant phone (reading down the table) is shown in three environments, one without any prosody, one with a labialisation and one with a palatalisation prosody. The table illustrates that prosody has an effect on fricatives, affricates, and back consonants (velar and glottal).

The fricatives [s, z, nz] and affricates [ts, dz] are in complementary distribution with [ʃ, ʒ, nʒ] and [tʃ, dʒ], respectively, with the second group only appearing in palatalised words.

Labialisation affects the back consonants such that [k, g, ŋg, h] are in complementary distribution with [kʷ, gʷ, ŋgʷ, hʷ], with the second group only appearing in labialised words. Note however that there is a set of underlyingly labialised back consonant phonemes (see Section 2.2.2).

Note also that the labiodental flap [ѵ] is found only in ideophones (Section 3.6) that have a neutral prosody.

### **2.2.4 Non-prosodic conditioning of consonants**

Word-final position influences the distribution of certain phonemes as well as the production of allophones. The following phonemes do not occur in word-final position: voiced stops (including prenasalised stops but excluding /m/ and the implosives), voiced affricates, and the labiodental flap i.e., [b, mb, d, nd, g, gʷ, ŋg, ŋgʷ, dz, dʒ , nz, nʒ, ѵ]. Also, [x] and [ŋ] are the word-final allophones of /h/ and /n/, respectively (Section 2.2.4.1). In some contexts, word-final /r/ can be realised as [l] (Section 2.2.4.2). Table 2.7 (adapted from Bow 1997c) shows the distribution of each consonant phone (reading down) in different positions within the word (reading across).


Table 2.6: Prosodic conditioning of consonant phonemes


### Table 2.7: Non-prosodic conditioning of consonant phonemes

2.2 Consonants

**2.2.4.1 Word-final allophones of /n/ and /h/**

Bow (1997c) demonstrates that [n] and [ŋ] are allophones of /n/ with a distribution as shown in Figure 2.1.

$$
\mathfrak{n} \longrightarrow \mathfrak{n} / \underset{-}{\ast}
$$

Figure 2.1: Word-final allophone of /n/

Table 2.8 (adapted from Bow 1997c) illustrates [n] and [ŋ] in complementary distribution (with [n] initially and medially and [ŋ] finally).

Table 2.8: Complementary distribution for /n/


Likewise, Bow (1997c) demonstrates that [h] and [x] are allophones of /h/ with a distribution as shown in Figure 2.2.

h → x / \_ #

Figure 2.2: Word-final allophone of /h/

Table 2.9 shows [x] and [h] in complementary distribution (with [h] initially and medially and [x] finally).

Table 2.9: Complementary distribution for /h/


### **2.2.4.2 Word-final allophones of /r/**

Friesen & Mamalis (2008) demonstrated that for some verb roots, final /r/ is realise as [l] in certain contexts.<sup>10</sup> In (29) and (30), which are consecutive lines

<sup>10</sup>This process does not appear to be free variation.

### 2 Phonology

from a narrative text, the final /r/ of the verb /v r/ 'give' is [r] in *navar* 'I give' (30) but is realised as [l] when the indirect object pronominal enclitic =*aw* (see Section 7.3.2) is attached (29):


Likewise, the verb /war/ 'hurt' exhibits similar changes, where the word-final /r/ in (31) becomes [l] when the indirect object pronominal enclitic attaches (32).


### **2.3 Vowels**

There are ten surface phonetic vowels in Moloko (Table 2.10) but the vowel system can be analysed as having one underlying vowel /a/.<sup>11</sup> This vowel may be either present or absent between any two consonants in the underlying form of a morpheme. Bow (1997c) found that the absence of a vowel requires an epenthetic vowel to break up some consonant clusters in the surface form.<sup>12</sup> Different environments acting on the underlying vowel and the epenthetic [ə] result in the ten allophones in Moloko (four from /a/: [a, ɛ, ɔ, œ]<sup>13</sup> and six from the epenthetic

<sup>11</sup>An analysis by Bow (1999) using Optimality Theory allowed both a single underlying vowel system (/a/) or a two underlying vowel system (/a/ and /ə/). For the purposes of this work, the schwa is considered as epenthetic since its presence is predictable, and /a/ is considered the only underlying vowel phoneme.

<sup>12</sup>Certain consonants do not require epenthetic schwa insertion (Section 2.5.1).

<sup>13</sup>Bow (1997c) reported ten surface vowel forms including [æ] which she did not consider as a distinct allophone since not all speakers distinguish between [a] and [æ], leaving nine allophones. Friesen (2001) added [ø].

### 2.3 Vowels

schwa: [ə, ɪ, ʊ, ø, i, u]). Note the addition of the vowel [ø] not in Bow's analysis. Bow noted "a phonetic gap left by the absence of a high vowel with both palatalisation and labialisation." This work reports the presence of this vowel in environments affected by both prosodies (see Section 2.3.3).

Table 2.10: Sources of allophonic variation in vowels with orthographic representation


Bow (1997c) distinguished the vowels in Moloko using four features: height, tense (or ATR), palatalisation, and labialisation. In this work, the conditioning environments that affect the phonetic expression of a full or epenthetic vowel include the labialisation and palatalisation prosodies (Section 2.3.2) and adjacency of the epenthetic vowel to particular consonants (Section 2.3.3).

### **2.3.1 Vowel phonemes and allophones**

Table 2.10 is a summary table showing the sources of allophonic variation and the resulting phonetic realisations and orthographic representations. In the table, the orthographic representation of each of these phonetic vowels is bolded and follows each vowel or example in the table.<sup>14</sup> For each source of allophonic variation, an example is also given. In a word which is neutral with respect to prosody (line 1), the underlying vowel is pronounced [a] and epenthetic schwa [ə]. In labialised words, (line 2), /a/ becomes [ɔ] and the epenthetic schwa becomes [ʊ]. In palatalised words (line 3), /a/ is pronounced [ɛ] and the epenthetic

<sup>14</sup>The orthographic representation is not employed elsewhere in the chapter, since it is important that the reader appreciate the phonetic expression. However, in the grammar chapters, the orthography is given for each example.

### 2 Phonology

schwa is pronounced [ɪ]. The epenthetic vowel can also be assimilated to a neighbouring approximant: it is realised as [i] when it occurs beside [j] (line 4) and as [u] when it occurs beside a labialised velar [w, kʷ, gʷ, ŋgʷ, hʷ] (line 5). Under the influence of labialised velars and an adjacent /j/, the /a/ becomes [œ] and the epenthetic schwa becomes [ø] (line 6).

The working orthography for Moloko (Friesen 2001) indicates the word-level processes by the three full vowel graphemes in the word pronounced in isolation: <e> in palatalised words, <o> in labialised words, and 'a' in words with neutral prosody.<sup>15</sup> Epenthetic vowels are written as <ə> in the orthographic representation regardless of the word prosody, because their pronunciation is predictable from the word prosody (discernable from the full vowel in the word) and the surrounding consonants. This results in four orthographic vowel symbols (a, e, o, ə).

### **2.3.2 Prosodic conditioning of vowel allophones**

Bow (1997c) reports that there is a clear prosodic pattern in Moloko where, with few exceptions,<sup>16</sup> all vowels in any word will have the same prosody, be it labialised, palatalised, or neutral. Table 2.11 (adapted from Bow 1997c) illustrates the three possible underlying prosody patterns in two and three syllable words.<sup>17</sup>


Table 2.11: Underlying prosody patterns in two and three syllable words

<sup>15</sup>Even if the palatalisation or labialisation is incomplete in a word beginning with /a/, that first vowel is written <e> or <o>, respectively, in the orthography.

<sup>16</sup>Labialisation and palatalisation in words which begin with a vowel will sometimes be incomplete, leaving the first syllable as [a] for labialised words and [æ] for palatalised words (see Section 2.1).

<sup>17</sup>Adjacency to certain consonants can also affect the quality of a particular vowel (Section 2.3.3).

2.3 Vowels

### **2.3.3 Non-prosodic conditioning of vowel allophones**

Bow (1997c) reported that, besides the prosodies of labialisation and palatalisation, the epenthetic vowel allophones are conditioned by the phonemes /j/ and /w/ as well as the underlyingly labialised consonants. The rules governing these two conditioning environments follow, along with examples of each. Bow found that the epenthetic vowel assimilates to the palatal and labial features of an adjacent semi-vowel even when there is a prosody on the root. Figure 2.3 and Figure 2.4 illustrate the rules for the influence of /j/<sup>18</sup> and /w/ with examples of each (33–37).

$$\mathbf{[s]} \rightarrow \mathbf{[i]} / \\_\mathbf{j}$$

Figure 2.3: Influence of j on ə


$$\begin{array}{c} \left[\mathfrak{s}\right] \longrightarrow \left[\mathfrak{u}\right]/\\_{\mathbf{w}}\\ \left[\mathfrak{s}\right] \longrightarrow \left[\mathfrak{u}\right]/\left.\mathbf{w}\right\\_{\mathbf{w}} \end{array}$$

Figure 2.4: Influence of w on ə

(35) /ɗ wa/ [ɗuwa]

'milk/breast'


Bow found that the vowel phoneme /a/ is not affected by semi-vowels, as demonstrated in (38) and (39).

<sup>18</sup>We found no cases of \*[ji].

### 2 Phonology

(38) /ja ɗ -j/ [jaɗaj] not \*[jɛɗɛj] 'tire' (39) /g n w/ [gənaw] not \*[gənɔw] 'animal'

Bow noted that the semi-vowels themselves do not cause morpheme-level palatalisation or labialisation to occur. (40–44) illustrate that the presence of the labiovelar semi-vowel /w/ in any position within a word (including word-finally) does not effect a labialisation prosody across the word. In fact, the existing data lists no examples of words containing /w/ which have a word-level labialisation prosody.


Similarly with the palatal semi-vowel, Bow shows that the presence of /j/ does not effect a palatalisation prosody across the word (42–44), although it may occur within a palatalised or labialised word.


This work also illustrates the rules governing the production of [œ] and the combined influence on the epenthetic vowel of adjacency to /j/ and either /w/ or /kʷ/ to produce [ø]. An underlying /a/ is realised as [œ] when it occurs before the labialised velar /kʷ/ in a palatalised word (45, Figure 2.5). When an epenthetic schwa occurs between /j/ and a labialised velar (/kʷ/ or /w/ in the examples),<sup>19</sup>

<sup>19</sup>We have not found the epenthetic vowel between /j/ and any other of the underlyingly labialised consonants (gʷ, ŋgʷ, hʷ, see Section 2.2.2), but we expect it to occur. Note also that the prosody of the labialised velar affects the quality of the preceding schwa

2.4 Tone

it is realised as [ø] (46–47, Figure 2.6). It is important to note that the presence of an underlyingly labialised velar consonant also does not cause labialisation of the entire phonological word; in fact, the evidence for their existence stems from this fact (see Section 2.2.2).

$$/\text{a}\prime \to [\![\mathfrak{e}\mathfrak{e}\]\/\!] / \\_\text{C} \* \text{C}^\*\prime \acute{} /$$

Figure 2.5: Influence of labialised velar on /a/

(45) /azɛkw e/ [æʒœkʷ] 'sorry'

```
[ə] → [ø] / kʷ _ j
```
Figure 2.6: Influence of labialised velar and j on ə


### **2.4 Tone**

In addition to published manuscripts and a thesis, Bow produced a database and an extensive series of observations relating to lexical and grammatical tone in Moloko nouns and verbs. This database was later expanded and modified, leading to an initial analysis of tone in noun phrases by Boyd (2002) and later to tone in verbs by Friesen & Mamalis (2008).

Bow (1997c) describes three phonetic tones (H, M, and L) but only two phonemic tones. In this work, lexical tone and grammatical tone are marked when relevant.<sup>20</sup> The phonetic tone patterns will be indicated on the words using accent marks for H ( ˊ), M ( ˉ) when necessary, or L tone ( ˋ). Because phonetic M can occur due to two causes (see below), this work carefully distinguishes *underlying* tones (H or L) from *phonetic* tones (H, M, and L).

Table 2.12 (adapted from Bow 1997c with additional data) shows minimal pairs which illustrate the underlying two tone system in Moloko. Tone does not carry

<sup>20</sup>Some data was transcribed without tone.

### 2 Phonology

a high lexical load, and so there are only a limited number of lexical items distinguished by tone.<sup>21</sup> The examples in Table 2.12 are divided into grammatical categories. Some of the minimal pairs are from different grammatical categories.

From an underlying two-tone system, with the influence of depressor consonants, certain melodies can be derived. There are different melodies for nouns and verbs. These melodies will be discussed in the noun and verb sections (see Sections 4.1 and 6.7). Bow described three different categories of verbs, those with underlying high tone, those with underlying low tone, and those with no underlying tone at all (toneless). A list of verbs showing their underlying tone is in Appendix A.

Lexical tone itself is not marked in the orthography (or in examples in the morphosyntax part of this work) since there are only a few minimal pairs which are distinguished by a diacritic on one of the words in each pair. Imperfective and Perfective aspect on verbs (indicated by grammatical tone) are distinguished by a diacritic on the subject pronominal verb prefix (see Section 7.4).

### **2.4.1 Depressor consonants**

There are certain consonants which affect tone in Moloko. Bow (1997c) discovered that the voiced obstruents [b, d, g, mb, nd, ŋg, v, z, dz, nz, ɮ]<sup>22</sup> have the effect of lowering the phonetic tone of the syllable in which they occur. Yip (2002: 113, 158) notes that:

"The most frequent form of interaction between tone and laryngeal features in African languages is the presence of 'depressor' consonants. This term describes a subset of consonants, usually voiced, which lower the tone of neighbouring high tones, and may also block high spreading across them. This is a departure from the usual inertness of consonants in tonal systems[…]The set of depressor consonants may include all voiced consonants, or often only non-glottalized, non-implosive voiced obstruents. In some languages, such as Ewe, we find a three-way split, with voiced obstruents most active as depressors, voiceless obstruents as non-depressors, and voiced sonorants having some depressor effects, but fewer than the obstruents."

Depressor consonants do not affect words that have an underlying high tone in Moloko. Words that are underlyingly low tone and contain no depressor consonants have phonetic mid tone, and words that are underlyingly low tone and

<sup>21</sup>One of each in these minimal pairs are marked in the orthography with a diacritic so that the pairs can be distinguished.

<sup>22</sup>Bow (1997c) notes that the phonemes /h, w, r, l/ can appear to function as depressors.

2.4 Tone


Table 2.12: Minimal pairs for phonetic tone

*<sup>a</sup>*A third example ([ávā] 'under') makes this line a minimal triplet for tone.

### 2 Phonology

contain depressor consonants have phonetic low tone. The phonetic low tone is triggered by the presence of depressor consonants. Table 2.13 demonstrates the effect of depressor consonants on the tone of the verb root in Moloko. The table shows minimal pairs of verb roots with phonetic mid and low tone with and without depressor consonants.


Table 2.13: Effect of depressor consonants on tone of verb root

### **2.4.2 Tone spreading rules**

At the phrase level, Bow (1997c) found that a surface mid tone can have two sources: either an underlying low tone with no depressor consonants (see Section 2.4.1), or a surface high tone lowered by a preceding low. Bow found no LH melodies within words, and illustrated that a noun whose final syllable is low will lower a high tone on the first syllable of any word that follows. Table 2.14 (from Bow 1997c) illustrates high tone lowering. Bow also describes a spreading rule which is optional across word boundaries where the mid or high final tone of a noun optionally spreads over a low tone on the first syllable of an adjective.

Table 2.14: High tone lowering at morpheme boundaries


2.5 Notes on the syllable

### **2.5 Notes on the syllable**

The syllable in Moloko is a somewhat fluid entity that makes a flexible relation between the underlying structure (consonantal skeleton with optional vowels) and the phonetic surface structure (see introduction to Chapter 2). Bow (1997c) has discussed the syllable in Moloko in detail. This section deals with aspects of syllable structure that pertain to the grammar (Section 2.5.1) and syllable restructuring when words combine in speech (Section 2.5.2).

### **2.5.1 Syllable structure**

Bow notes that "[t]he basic syllable in Moloko has a consonantal onset, a vocalic nucleus and an optional consonant coda: CV(C), and carries tone" (Bow 1997c: 1). She found three syllable types in Moloko: CV, CVC, and initial V. Both CV and CVC syllables can appear anywhere within the word. V syllables occur only in word-initial position and are most likely to have come from what was once a separate morpheme – the /*a-*/ prefix in nouns (see Section 4.1), the third singular prefix in verbs (see Section 7.3.1), and an adposition (see Sections 5.4.1 and 5.6.1).

Bow notes no restrictions on consonantal onsets.<sup>23</sup> Friesen & Mamalis (2008) noted that although nouns ending in CV can have any prosody (see Section 4.1), almost all verb stems phonetically ending in CV are palatalised (48–49), where the V is the [-ɛ] suffix discussed in Section 6.3. 24

(48) [g-ɛ] do[2s.imp]-cl 'Do!'

(49) [d-ɛ] prepare[2s.imp]-cl 'Prepare!'

The coda position carries more restrictions. Firstly, in word-medial position, the consonants that are permitted as coda are restricted. Bow reported that liquids can function as the coda to a non-word-final syllable.<sup>25</sup> Further research has

<sup>23</sup>Friesen & Mamalis (2008) also discovered that although there are no restrictions on consonantal onsets for nouns, verb stems beginning with /n/ or /r/ are rare.

<sup>24</sup>The only non-palatalised verb stems ending in CV end with the pluractional clitic *=aya* or *=iya*, e.g., [h=aja] 'grind.' [s=ija] 'cut.' see Section 7.5.2. These verbs do not occur without the clitic so we do not know if they carry an underlying prosody or /-j/ suffix.

<sup>25</sup>Bow (1997c) also reports that liquids can function as the nucleus of a syllable and also as the second component of a consonantal onset.

### 2 Phonology

also shown that a semivowel /w/, /j/ or nasal /m, n/ can also function as the coda of a non word-final closed syllable (50–52).


Secondly, consonants that can fill the coda position word-finally have other restrictions. Bow reported that the voiced plosives [b, d, dz, g, gʷ] and prenasalised consonants [mb, nd, nz, ŋg, ŋgʷ] do not appear in word-final position, and /n/ and /h/ have word-final allophones (see Section 2.2.4.1). In addition, Friesen & Mamalis (2008) found that word-final consonants in verb stems that do not take the /-j/ suffix exclude all of the above and also exclude the voiceless affricate /ts/ and the approximants /w/ and / j/.

Friesen & Mamalis (2008) postulated that a function of the /-j/ suffix of verb stems (see Section 6.3) is to allow root-final consonants which cannot occur wordfinally to surface. Verb roots that take the /-j/ suffix permit /b/, /g/, /ts/, and /w/ as final consonant (53–55), all consonants that are restricted in the coda position either in all Moloko words or in verb stems. The presence of the /-j/ suffix, another suffix, or an enclitic ensures that in context, the final consonants of /-j/ roots never occur word-finally in speech.


### 2.5 Notes on the syllable

Schwa becomes voiceless in some contexts. Two voiceless consonants do not permit a voiced epenthetic schwa between them – a voiceless schwa results. In some cases, speakers could assign tone to the syllable (56–59), and in other cases, they could not assign tone to the syllable (60–63).<sup>26</sup> In the example, the syllables are separated by a period in the phonetic form. The voiceless schwa is underlined.


### **2.5.2 Syllable restructuring**

In fast speech, changes may happen within words or at word boundaries affecting adjacent syllables. At word boundaries, certain word-final consonants are lost and there may be vowel elision and reduction of vowels. Within the word, the segments may be restructured into new syllables, vowels may be reduced or deleted, and certain consonants may be deleted.

<sup>26</sup>Data from Bow (1997c) show tone in every syllable for all of these words except *mɔkʷtɔnɔkʷ* 'toad,' *ɔkʷfɔm* 'mouse,' *Ftak* 'Ftak' (a proper name) and *dɛftɛrɛ* 'book.'

### 2 Phonology

Bow (1997c) notes vowel elision and assimilation of semivowels at morpheme boundaries. Other changes that we have noted are illustrated in Table 2.15. When clitics are added or words juxtaposed within a construction, syllables within the morphemes are sometimes reorganised or deleted. Syllables in the table are separated by a period. Line 1 shows the resyllabification of /anzakr/ where [r] (originally the coda) is in the onset of a syllable that includes the first vowel of the following word. Line 2 illustrates vowel elision and loss of prosody. Lines 3–5 illustrate that in fast speech, word-final /-n/ is deleted. Note in line 5 that although /-n/ is deleted, the high tone of the suffix remains on the vowel and there is no vowel elision. Line 6 illustrates deletion of /h/.<sup>27</sup> Note that stress is phrase-final necessitating a full vowel in the final syllable of an utterance (see introduction to Chapter 2).

### **2.6 Word boundaries**

Bow (1997c) notes that "the phonological word in Moloko is made up of a root with the optional addition of affixes." Further research has revealed that phonologically bound morphemes added to the root include affixes and several kinds of clitics. Specific phonological aspects of nouns and verbs will be discussed in their respective chapters (Chapters 4 and 6).

Word breaks are determined in this work by the phonological criteria discussed in Section 2.6.1 as well as using the grammatical criteria discussed in Section 2.6.2. Using these criteria, affixes, clitics, and extensions<sup>28</sup> can be distinguished from separate words in Moloko. Phonological criteria are illustrated for both nouns and verbs, when applicable (Section 2.6.1). *Affix*, *clitic*, and *extension* are categorised for Moloko in Section 2.6.2.

### **2.6.1 Phonological criteria for word breaks**

Five phonological criteria are used in this work:


<sup>27</sup>This kind of deletion seems to be irregular and may relate to a language change, since in some neighbouring languages, 'chief' is [baj]. 'Chief' is [baj] in Cuvok (Ndokobai 2006: 120), Gemzek (R. Gravina 2005: 9), Muyang (Smith, personal communication), Vame (Kinnaird 2006: 17), but [bahaj] in Mbuko (Richard Gravina 2001: 9).

<sup>28</sup>Note that the term *extension* for Chadic languages has a different use than for Bantu languages. In Chadic languages, *extension* refers to particles or clitics in the verbal complex (Section 7.5).


Table2.15:Changesduetosyllablerestructuring

### 2 Phonology


The criteria are illustrated for both nouns and verbs. Examples are given in pairs showing word breaks in the first example and phonologically bound morphemes in the second example.

### **2.6.1.1 Word-final /h/ realized as [x]**

The presence of the word-final allophone [x] (Bow 1997c) indicates a word break between *gəvax* 'field' and *nɛhɛ* 'this' (64). The 3p possessive (=*atəta*) is shown to be phonologically bound to the same noun (65) since this word-final change does not occur (Bow 1997c, see Section 3.1.2).<sup>29</sup> .


(66) shows word-final changes for /h/ for the verb stem /b h/. In contrast, the 1s indirect object pronominal clitic /=aw / (67, see Section 7.3.2) is phonologically bound to its stem since the /h/ does not undergo word-final changes.


<sup>29</sup>Note that although *=atəta* is not completely phonologically bound to *gəvax* since the neutral prosody of /=atta/ does not neutralise the prosody of the noun (Section 2.6.1.3), it is a type of noun clitic since it fulfills the grammatical criteria for a clitic (Section 2.6.2)

### 2.6 Word boundaries

### **2.6.1.2 Word-final /n/ realised as [ŋ]**

Word-final changes where /n/ is realised as [ŋ] (Bow 1997c) indicate a word break between the noun *həlaŋ* 'back' and *na* 'psp' (68). Example (69) is more complicated. The initial consonant of the adverbiser [ŋa] (see Section 3.5.2) has assimilated to the final consonant of the noun, indicating that they are phonologically bound. However, the fact that the noun [dedeŋ] 'truth' exhibits word-final changes indicates that [ŋa] cliticises after word-final changes in the noun have occurred.


Word-final changes indicate a word break after the verb [ahaŋ] in (70). In contrast, (71) demonstrates no word-final allophones indicating that the indirect object pronominal enclitic [=aw] is phonologically bound to the verb stem /dz n –aj/<sup>30</sup> (see Section 7.3.2).



### **2.6.1.3 Prosodies do not cross word boundaries**

Bow (1997c) showed that prosodies spread over a word but do not cross word boundaries. Nouns are illustrated in (72–74). The possessive pronouns in (72–73) are phonologically separate from the nouns that they modify since the prosodies do not spread leftwards over the nouns (labialisation in 72, palatalisation in 73). In contrast, (74) shows that the /a-/ prefix is part of the same phonological word as the noun root, since the prosody of the noun root spreads to the prefix.<sup>31</sup>

<sup>30</sup>The verb stems /h-j/ 'greet'and /dz n -j/ 'help' both carry the /-j/ suffix. This suffix is deleted whenever an affix or extension is attached to the verb stem (Section 6.3).

<sup>31</sup>Note that the labialisation prosody may not spread as far left as the prefix in some words (Section 2.1). The fact that it sometimes spreads indicates that the /a-/ is indeed phonologically bound.

### 2 Phonology


Examples (75–79) illustrate verbs. The words [awij] and [nɛʃɛ] in (75) are shown to be separate words since the palatalisation prosody of the verb [nɛʃɛ] does not spread to [awij]. In contrast, the subject pronominal prefixes (shown in 76 and 78) and suffixes (shown in 77 and 79) are phonologically bound to the verb stem since prosodies will spread leftwards from verb stem to prefix and suffix to verb stem. In contrast, the subject morpheme is shown to be a prefix in (76) since it takes on the palatalisation prosody of the verb stem. Also, the pronominal morphemes shown in (77) and (79) are shown to be phonologically bound suffixes. Compare (76) with (77) and (78) with (79). In the second example of each pair, the labialisation prosody of the subject pronominal morphemes /-am <sup>o</sup> / (77) and /-ak <sup>o</sup> / (79) spreads over the verb stems, even overcoming the underlying palatalisation prosody on the verb stem in (77).


### **2.6.1.4 Deletion of the -***aj* **suffix in verbs**

The -*aj* suffix in verbs drops off when suffixes or extensions are attached to the verb. (80) and (81) show the verb /p -j/ 'open.' In the 3s form, the verb carries the

### 2.6 Word boundaries

*-aj* suffix. The 3s direct object *na* is a separate word since the *-aj* suffix remains on the stem (81). The directional *ala* is shown to be phonologically bound to the verb stem since when *ala* is present (81) the *-aj* suffix drops off.


### **2.6.1.5 Deletion of word-final /n/**

Bow (1997c) showed that word-final /n/ is deleted before certain clitics (the possessive and plural in nouns, see Sections 3.1.2 and 4.2.2, respectively) and before some verbal extensions (see Section 7.5.1). Word-final /n/ is not deleted in any other environment. (82) shows that word-final /n/ is deleted before the plural marker [=ahaj]. For comparison, (83) shows word-final changes between [ɛŋgɛrɛŋ] and [aɮa], necessitating [ŋ] the word-final allophone of /n/). Syllables are separated by a period in the phonetic form.


A similar phenomenon occurs in the verb complex (84–85). The adpositional *=aka* (see Section 7.5.1) causes the deletion of word-final /n/ in a verb stem (84).<sup>32</sup> (85) shows the typical word-final allophone [ŋ] for comparison.


<sup>32</sup>The vowel is not deleted, resulting in a long vowel.

### 2 Phonology

### **2.6.2 Affix, clitic, and extension**

Five criteria are used to categorise affixes, clitics, and extensions in Moloko. The first is whether the morpheme can occur in discourse without being bound to some other morpheme. Affixes, clitics, and extensions in Moloko are bound morphemes – they cannot occur alone in discourse. The second criterion is whether prosodies will spread freely between the stem and morpheme in question. Prosodies will always spread between affix and stem, and sometimes between clitic or extension and stem, but prosodies never spread across word boundaries. The third criterion is whether word-final alternations are found in the final consonant of the stem when a morpheme is attached. Suffixes, clitics, and extensions will always block word-final changes in the stem. The fourth and fifth criteria are to distinguish clitics from affixes. Clitics can attach to words of different syntactic categories; whereas no separate word can be inserted between an affix and its stem. Finally, clitics function at the phrase or clause level with grammatical rather than lexical meaning.<sup>33</sup> In contrast, affixes may have grammatical meaning but their meaning is applied to the word they modify.

What we have classified as an affix in Moloko is tightly bound to the stem. No morpheme known to be a separate word can occur between the affix and its stem. Prosodies spread freely between affix and stem. There are no wordfinal alternations in the final consonant of the stem when a suffix is attached. Examples of affixes in this section include the /a-/ prefix in nouns and subject pronominal prefixes and suffixes in verbs.

A clitic carries some of the characteristics of an affix and some of an independent word, and different clitics in Moloko fulfil the above criteria differently. A clitic is similar to an affix in that it is phonologically bound to the stem to which it is attached. However the nature of that phonological bondedness is different than for an affix and its stem. Grammatically, a clitic is different from an affix because a known separate word can occur in between the relevant stem and the clitic, and the clitic will then attach itself phonologically to the inserted word.

The verbal extensions are a special class of clitics which are something between a prototypical affix and a prototypical clitic. They form a close phonological unit with the verb stem. The phonological structure of the verb word is more fully discussed with examples in Section 7.1, but a few summary statements are included here. When there is no suffix on the verb, extensions will cliticise to the verb stem. Prosodies on verb clitics always spread to the verb stem (see Section 7.5). When there is a suffix on the verb, extensions form a separate phonological word

<sup>33</sup>Payne (1997: 22).

### 2.6 Word boundaries

and they cliticise to each other. In addition, the direct object pronominal extension is a separate word from the verb stem, but will be embedded amongst any other extensions that occur. In the presence of the direct object extension, the other extensions will cliticise to the direct object extension. The Perfect extension is a special enclitic in Moloko. It can occur at the end of the verb word or the end of the verb phrase (see Section 7.5.3). The Perfect extension appears to have a stronger phonological connection with the verb stem than the other extensions because the neutral prosody of the extension will neutralise the prosody of the verb word even if the Perfect is phrase-final with intervening words (see Section 7.5.3).

The adverbiser /Ca/ (see Section 3.5.2) is an interesting clitic in the way it is phonologically bound to its noun. The noun displays word-final changes, which would normally indicate a word break. However, initial consonant of the adverbiser enclitic is a reduplication of the final consonant of the noun (see Section 2.6.1.2) which indicates that the reduplication occurs after phonological wordfinal alterations are made to the noun.

We consider both the plural marker (see Section 4.2.2) and possessive (see Section 3.1.2) to be clitics even though neither the plural nor the possessive will affect the prosody of the stem (see Section 2.6.1). However, there are no word-final changes that indicate a word break on the stem when the plural or possessive is added. Both plural marker and possessive are phonologically bound to a stem yet modify a larger structure (a noun phrase). They are clitics and not affixes since they bind to elements of different grammatical classes (noun or noun phrase in the case of the possessive; noun, noun phrase, numeral, or pronoun in the case of the plural).

## **3 Grammatical classes**

Moloko has the following grammatical classes, each described in the referenced sections or chapters below:


### 3 Grammatical classes

Note the absence of adjectives as a word class, since all adjectives in Moloko are derived from nouns (Section 5.3).

In the following sections, a detailed treatment will be given for each of these word classes and the morphological structure of each class. An operational definition will be given for each class, so that any word in the language can be readily classified.

The first line in the examples is written in the orthography. The second line is the phonetic form for slow speech with morpheme breaks. All consonantal and vowel allophones are indicated. Palatisation and labialisation prosodies are discernible from the quality of the vowels and the consonants. When an underlying form (typically identified by / / brackets) is cited, only the consonants and the full vowels are written (i.e. not the epenthetic schwas) and the palatalisation or labialisation prosody on the form is marked by a superscripted 'e' or 'o,' respectively, after the morpheme.

### **3.1 Pronouns**

Pronouns stand in the place of a noun phrase in a clause. Pronouns are deictic elements – their reference changes according to the context of the utterance. The role of the speaker furnishes the basic point of reference (first person). The addressee is defined with respect to the speaker (second person). The third person pronouns refer to people or things being talked about by the first and second persons. There are definite and indefinite third person pronouns. Definite pronouns can be used anaphorically, and their reference is determined by linguistic or pragmatic elements in the textual or extratextual environment. Indefinite pronouns have a non-identified referent.

Moloko personal pronouns and proforms are illustrated in Table 3.1. Moloko has one set of free personal pronouns (regular, see Section 3.1.1.1), one set of bound pronouns (possessive, see Section 3.1.2), and three sets of pronominals within the verb complex for subject, direct object, and indirect object (see Section 7.3). All personal pronouns and pronominals are shown in Table 3.1. The regular free pronouns can refer to any of the subject or direct object or indirect object. An emphatic subset of free pronouns exists, formed by adding the adjectiviser *ga* to the regular personal pronouns. Possessive pronouns always occur within a noun phrase or a relative clause. Special vocative pronouns that attach to nouns are honorific (Section 3.1.3). There are also interrogative pronouns (Section 3.1.4) and unspecified pronouns (Section 3.1.5).

### 3.1 Pronouns

In some of the pronoun sets, there is an inclusive/exclusive distinction in the first person plural. There are no dual nor gender-specific forms, nor are there logophoric pronouns.<sup>1</sup>


Table 3.1: Moloko personal pronouns and pro-forms

*a* Pronominals are discussed in Section 7.3.

*<sup>b</sup>*Note that the 1p and 2p bound pronominals consist of both a prefix and a suffix. They are further discussed in Section 7.3.

*<sup>c</sup>*Note that although *na* and *ta* are free in that they are phonologically separate from the verb word, they are closely bound parts of the verb complex and so are called pronominal extensions, see Section 7.3.3.

*<sup>d</sup>*This pronoun is pronounced either [*aŋgʷɔ*] or [*aŋgʷɔk<sup>w</sup>* ] by speakers from different regions.

### **3.1.1 Free personal pronouns**

Free pronouns express subject, direct object, and indirect object. They are relatively rare in texts since participants are generally tracked by the bound verbal pronominals. Free pronouns are found in cases of switch reference, at the peak of a story where the verbal pronominals disappear, or in cases of emphasis (see Section 3.1.1.2).

### **3.1.1.1 Regular pronouns**

When free subject, direct object, or indirect object pronouns do occur, they are in the same place within a clause or noun phrase where one would expect the full noun phrase to be (see Sections 5.1 and 10.1).

The clause in (1) has a subject (*Mala*, a male proper name), a direct object (*dalay* 'girl'), and an indirect object (*Arsakay*, another male proper name). Note that the

<sup>1</sup> Frajzyngier (1985) describes the types of logophoric systems found in some Chadic languages. No logophoric pronouns are described for Biu-Mandara.

### 3 Grammatical classes

subject is also indicated on the verb by the subject pronominal *a-* and the indirect object is indicated on the verb by the indirect object pronominal enclitic *=an* (see Section 7.3.3). The noun phrase representing the indirect object is embedded in a prepositional phrase (see Section 5.6.1).<sup>2</sup>

(1) Mala avəlan dalay ana Arsakay. Mala Mala à-vəl=aŋ 3s+pfv-give=3s.io dalaj girl ana dat Arsakaj Arsakay 'Mala gave the girl to Arsakay.'

When the subject is replaced by a free pronoun (2), the pronoun must be marked as presupposed in the clause (see Section 11.2). Note that since the subject is pronominalised in the verb word a subject noun phrase is not required (see Section 7.3.1); the presence of any noun phrase or free pronoun is for pragmatic purposes.

(2) **Ndahan** na, avəlan dalay ana Arsakay. **ndahaŋ** 3s na psp à-vəl=aŋ 3s+pfv-give=3s.io dalaj girl ana dat Arsakaj Arsakay 'He [for his part], he gave the girl to Arsakay.'

When the direct object is replaced by a free pronoun (compare 1 and 3), the pronoun *ndahan* (replacing *dalay*) occurs in the normal direct object slot in the clause.<sup>3</sup>

(3) Mala avəlan **ndahan** ana Arsakay. Mala Mala à-vəl=aŋ 3s+pfv-give=3s.io **ndahaŋ** 3s ana dat Arsakaj Arsakay 'Mala gave her to Arsakay.'

When the indirect object is replaced by a free pronoun, the pronoun occurs in a prepositional phrase (4). The prepositional phrase is delimited by square brackets. Note that the indirect object pronominal enclitic =*an* co-occurs on the verb complex (see Section 7.3.2).

<sup>2</sup>The first line in each example is the orthographic form. The second is the phonetic form (slow speech) with morpheme breaks.

<sup>3</sup>The dedicated direct object pronominal *na* is can also replace a direct object noun phrase in the case of an inanimate object, Section 7.3.3.

3.1 Pronouns

(4) Mala avəl**an** dalay [ana **ndahan**]. Mala Mala à-vəl**=aŋ** 3s+pfv-give=3s.io dalaj girl [ana dat **ndahaŋ**] 3s 'Mala gave the girl to him.'

The indirect object pronominal enclitic can entirely stand in the place of the prepositional phrase expressing indirect object (5, see Section 7.3.2).

(5) Mala avəl**an** dalay. Mala Mala à-vəl**=aŋ** 3s+pfv-give=3s.io dalaj girl 'Mala gave the girl to him.'

### **3.1.1.2 Emphatic pronouns**

Emphatic pronouns are formed by adding either the adjectiviser *ga* (Section 5.3) or the third person singular possessive pronoun form *=ahan* to a free pronoun (6–8).


### **3.1.2 Possessive pronouns**

Another set of Moloko pronouns occurs only within noun phrases and among its primary uses, indicates a possessive relationship, i.e. these pronouns relate the possessor referent to the person or thing that is possessed. Possessive pronouns

### 3 Grammatical classes

immediately follow the noun or noun phrase they modify (9–11) and occur before the plural clitic (12).<sup>4</sup>


We consider the possessive pronouns to be noun clitics. They are phonologically bound to the noun. Even though prosodies on the possessive pronouns do not spread to the noun (9–10), Bow (1997c) demonstrated that word-final changes indicating a word break do not occur (Table 3.2). They are clitics, not affixes, since they bind to the right edge of the head of the noun phrase, binding to the final noun where the head is composed of more than one noun, yet modifying the entire structure (11) (see Section 5.4.2).

### **3.1.2.1 Semantic range of possessive constructions**

The semantic relation between the possessor and possessed can be flexible and covers the same range of possibilities as the associative construction (see Sec-

<sup>4</sup>Bow (1997c) postulated that the set of possessive pronouns does not include the plural possessive pronouns. Rather, she proposed that the plural possessive is actually an associative noun phrase formed by the preposition /a/ and the free pronoun (*a loko, a ləme, a ləkwəye*, and *a təta*). We found that possessives are viewed as a set in the minds of speakers, and that there is no difference in distribution between singular and plural possessives. Therefore we will treat the possessive pronouns as a set in Moloko (*aloko, aləme, aləkwəye,* and *atəta*).

3.1 Pronouns


Table 3.2: Possessive cliticising to nouns with word-final /h/

tion 5.4.1). These semantic categories include ownership (13–15),<sup>5</sup> kinship relationships (16), part-whole relations (17) and other associations (18–19).

(13) awak **əwla**

awak=**uwla** goat=1s.poss 'my goat' (i.e. the goat I own)

(14) hay **əwla** haj=**uwla** house=1s.poss

'my house' (i.e. the house I own/live in)


'my father' (also, an older man in my father's family)

(17) asak **əwla** asak=**uwla** foot=1s.poss 'my foot'

<sup>5</sup> Examples 13–17 show that alienable and inalienable is not a relevant distinction for Moloko.

### 3 Grammatical classes

(18) məgəye **əwla** mɪ-g-ijɛ=**uwla** nom-do-cl=1s.poss 'my doings' (i.e. the things I do)

(19) məzəme **əwla** mɪ-ʒʊm-ɛ=**uwla** nom-eat-cl=1s.poss 'my food' (i.e. the food I grew/ the food that I am eating)

### **3.1.2.2 Tone of possessive pronouns**

Bow (1997c) concluded that the underlying tone melody for possessive pronouns is HLH. Table 3.3 (from Bow 1997c) shows the surface tonal melodies and underlying tone pattern for all the possessive pronouns with the noun [*ɗāf* ] 'loaf.'<sup>6</sup> . The singular forms with only two syllables drop the final high tone. All forms but the 2s have the HM(H) surface pattern; the 2s form contains the depressor consonant /ŋg/ and so the second syllable is low tone.

Table 3.4 (from Bow 1997c) gives examples of nouns with each underlying tone melody combined with 2s, 3s and 1Pex possessive pronouns. Some of the rules governing variations in the surface form are considered in Section 2.4.2. The possessive pronoun maintains its tonal melody in every environment. Note that the low surface tone of [dàndàj] 'intestines' (due to the depressor consonant) lowers the first high tone of the 3s and 1Pex possessive.

### **3.1.3 Honorific possessive pronouns**

There are two special possessive pronouns used within vocative expressions to give honour to the person addressed. The honorific pronouns are grammatically bound to the noun they follow. They are used to honour people both within and outside the family. For men and women, whether married or not, to address one another with honour, *golo* 'dear/honourable' follows the noun (20–21); for other relationships (mother, father, grandmother) *ya* 'dear/honourable' follows the noun (22–24).

<sup>6</sup> In Moloko, *ɗaf* is the basic starch form consumed by the people, a millet porridge eaten with various sauces. The word can refer to one loaf of the porridge, and can also simply mean 'food'.


Table 3.3: Possessive pronoun paradigm with tone marked

Table 3.4: Tonal melodies in possessive constructions


### 3 Grammatical classes


### **3.1.4 Interrogative pronouns**

Interrogative pronouns request content information about an event, state, or participant (who, what, when, where, why, how). The basic interrogative words in Moloko are shown in Table 3.5. 7

The normal position for interrogative pronouns is clause or noun phrase final (25–38).<sup>8</sup> Two of the interrogative pronouns (*memey* 'how,' and *malmay* 'what') question a clause in and of themselves (33–35). In each example, the interrogative pronoun is bolded.

<sup>7</sup>Table adapted from Boyd (2003).

<sup>8</sup> See interrogative constructions in Moloko, Section 10.3.


Table 3.5: Interrogative pronouns


### 3 Grammatical classes


3.1 Pronouns

(37) Məlama ango na **weley?** məlama=aŋgʷɔ sibling=2s.poss na psp **wɛlɛj** which

> 'Which (one among these) is your brother?' (lit. your brother [is] which one?)

(38) Cicada, S. 26

Albaya ahay **weley** təh anan dəray na abay. albaja youth =ahaj =Pl **wɛlɛj** which təx id:put an=aŋ dat=3s.io dəraj head na psp abaj ext+neg

'No one could lift it.' (lit. whichever young man put his head [to the tree in order to lift it], there was none)

In an emphatic question, a reduced interrogative pronoun both commences and finishes the clause (39–42). The interrogative pronouns *way* 'who,' *malmay* 'what is this,' *memey* 'why,' and *almay* 'what' are reduced, without a change in meaning, to *wa* (39), *malma* (40), *meme* (41), and *alma* (42), respectively. These reduced forms occur at the beginning of an emphatic question. At the end of the clause, some of these same pronouns are reduced in a different manner. The interrogative pronoun *memey* becomes *mey* (41) and *almay* becomes *may* (40, 42).


(41) **Meme** ege **mey? mɛmɛ** how ɛ-g-ɛ 3s-do-cl **mɛj** how 'What is going on here? [when something is wrong]'/ 'What are you doing?' (lit. how is it doing?)

### 3 Grammatical classes

(42) Snake, S. 7 **Alma** amədəvala okfom na **may? alma** what amə-dəv=ala dep-trip=to ɔkʷfɔm mouse na psp **maj** what 'What was it that made that mouse fall?'

### **3.1.5 Unspecified pronouns**

A few pronouns refer to unspecified referents. *Meslenen* is a negative indefinite 'no one' (43) and must occur in a clause that is negated (see Section 10.3). *Mana* is purposefully indefinite, referring to a person 'who shall remain nameless' (44). *Enen* 'another' (45) is an indefinite determiner, used to introduce new participants or things not previously mentioned.


### **3.2 Demonstratives and demonstrationals**

Moloko has three main types of demonstratives: nominal demonstratives (Section 3.2.1), which point to a person or object and modify a noun in a noun phrase, local adverbial demonstratives (Section 3.2.2), which point to a place and modify a noun in a noun phrase, and manner adverbal demonstratives (Section 3.2.3),

### 3.2 Demonstratives and demonstrationals

which point to an action and modify a verb.<sup>9</sup> Manner adverbials are derived from local adverbial denonstratives.

Table 3.6 shows a complete list of demonstratives in Moloko. All demonstratives have the same form for both singular and plural referents. All are anaphoric in their basic use in that the referent must be known from the preceding context. For comparison, place/time adverbs are also shown. The proximal demonstratives are morphologically similar to the locational adverb *ehe* 'here/now' (shown for comparison in Table 3.6).

It can be seen that the near speaker and distant from speaker demonstratives are morphologically derived from the corresponding adverbs. Note that there are no non-visible demonstratives or place/time adverbs.

### **3.2.1 Nominal demonstratives**

Nominal demonstratives (46–48) have a referent that is a person or object. They modify a noun within a noun phrase to specify or point out the referent. Moloko has two nominal demonstratives: proximal (near the speaker) and distal (away from the speaker). There is no nominal demonstrative to indicate a referent that is far away from the speaker. In the examples in this section, the demonstrative is bolded and the noun phrase is marked by square brackets. In (55) from Section 3.2.2.1, the demonstrative is head of the noun phrase, suggesting that it can act as a demonstrative pronoun.

(46) Náskom [zana **ngehe**]. ná-sʊkʷɔm 1s+ifv-buy [zana cloth **ŋgɛhɛ**] dem

> 'I will buy this particular cloth here.' (pointing to or holding a particular cloth among others)

(47) Asaw [awak **ngəndəye**]. a-s=aw [awak **ŋgɪndijɛ**]

> 3s-please=1s.io goat dem

'That particular goat there pleases me.' (pointing to a particular goat among others)

<sup>9</sup>Dixon (2003) describes three types of demonstratives: nominal, local adverbial, and verbal. Verbal demonstratives do not occur in Moloko. Dixon considers manner adverbial demonstratives to be a subtype of nominal demonstratives.


### 3 Grammatical classes

Table3.6:Demonstrativesin

*a*The demonstrative*ngehe*is a contraction of*nəngehe*.

 *b*This demonstrative is pronounced either [*nɪŋgɪndijɛ*] or [*nɪŋgɪndɪgɛ*] by speakers from different regions.

*c*Likewise, dialect differences account for the different pronunciations.

*d*In a genitive or possessive construction.

### 3.2 Demonstratives and demonstrationals

(48) [Babəza ahay **ngəndəye**] anga əwla ahay. [babəza=ahaj children=Pl **ŋgɪndijɛ**] dem aŋga=uwla=ahaj poss=1s.poss=Pl 'These particular children here [are] belonging to me.'

Besides their use to point out specific referents, the nominal demonstratives can also be used anaphorically in discourse.<sup>10</sup> The distal nominal demonstrative *ngəndəye* in line S. 14 of the Cicada story (49) identifies the tree as being that particular previously mentioned one that the men wanted the chief to have.

(49) Cicada, S. 14

[Agwazla **ngəndvəye**] ágasaka ka mahay ango aka. [agwazla spp. of tree **ŋgɪndijɛ**] dem á-gas=aka 3s+ifv-catch=on ka at mahaj=aŋgʷɔ door=2s.poss aka on 'That particular (previously mentioned) tree would be pleasing by your door.'

At the conclusion of the Disobedient Girl story, nominal demonstratives are used anaphorically to mark two different referents – the suffering brought to the Moloko people and the young girl whose disobedience resulted in the suffering. Both are shown in (50). The beginning of the Disobedient Girl story describes the blessing – that Moloko people could make an entire meal for a whole family from one grain of millet. The blessing occurred because the millet would multiply during its grinding. The story describes how a young, newly-married non-Moloko girl hears how to handle the millet yet disobeys the rules on how to handle it. As a result, the disobedient girl was killed by the millet. The story tells how the Creator was offended by her act and withdrew his blessing from the Moloko people such that millet would not multiply any more and the Moloko had to work hard to even get enough food to feed their families. The suffering that the Moloko people experienced as a result of the withdrawal of God's blessing is described in lines 33-37 but it is not named as such until line S. 38. In that line, the particular suffering of the Moloko people that was brought on by the girl is marked by the proximal nominal demonstrative *avəya nengehe* 'this particular previously mentioned suffering.' Also, the young woman who, by her disobedience, brought suffering to the entire Moloko population is marked in lines 33 and 38 by the distal nominal demonstrative. Line 33 contains *war dalay na amecen*

<sup>10</sup>Moloko has one specifically anaphoric demonstrative used in discourse (*ndana*, Section 3.2.2.2). Also, two other particles function in cohesion as discourse anaphoric referent markers. They are *ga* (Section 5.3) and *na* (Chapter 11).

### 3 Grammatical classes

*sləmay bay ngəndəye* 'the young woman, the previously mentioned disobedient one' and line 38 contains *war dalay ngəndəye* 'that previously mentioned young woman.'

(50) Disobedient Girl, S. 33 Məloko ahay tawəy, Hərmbəlom ága ɓərav va Mʊlɔkʷɔ=ahaj Moloko=Pl tawij 3p+said Hʊrmbʊlɔm God á-ga 3s+ifv-do ɓərav heart =va =prf 'The Molokos say, God got angry (lit. God did heart)' kəwaya war dalay na, amecen sləmay bay **ngəndəye**. kuwaja because of war child dalaj girl na psp amɛ-tʃɛŋ dep-hear ɬəmaj ear baj neg **ŋgɪndijɛ** dem 'because of the girl, the particular previously mentioned one that was disobedient.' Disobedient Girl, S. 34 Waya ndana Hərmbəlom ázata aka barka ahan va. waja because ndana dem Hʊrmbʊlɔm God á-z=ata=aka 3s+ifv-take=3p.io=on barka=ahaŋ=va blessing=3s.poss=prf 'Because of that, God had taken back his blessing from them.' Disobedient Girl, S. 35 Cəcəngehe na, war elé háy bəlen na, ásak asabay. tʃɪtʃɪŋgɛhɛ now na, psp war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one na psp á-sak 3s+ifv-multiply asa-baj again-neg 'And now, one grain of millet, it doesn't multiply anymore.' Disobedient Girl, S. 36 Talay war elé háy bəlen kə ver aka na, ásak asabay. talaj id:put war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one kə on vɛr stone aka on na psp á-sak 3s+ifv-multiply asa-baj again-neg '[If] one puts one grain of millet on the grinding stone, it doesn't multiply anymore.' Disobedient Girl, S. 37 Səy kádəya gobay. sij only ká-d=ija 2s+ifv-prepare=plu gʷɔbaj a lot 'You must put on a lot.'

3.2 Demonstratives and demonstrationals

Disobedient Girl, S. 38 Ka nehe tawəy, metesle anga war dalay **ngəndəye** ka like nɛhɛ dem tawij 3p+said mɛ-tɛɬ-ɛ nom-curse-cl aŋga poss war child dalaj girl **ŋgɪndijɛ** dem 'It is like this they say, "The curse [is] belonging to that particular (previously mentioned) young woman' amazata aka ala [avəya **nengehe**] ana məze ahay na. ama-z=ata=aka=ala dep-take=3p.io=on=to avija suffering **nɛŋgɛhɛ** dem ana dat mɪʒɛ=ahaj person=Pl na psp

'that brought this particular (previously mentioned) suffering onto the people."'

### **3.2.2 Local adverbial demonstratives**

Local adverbial demonstratives point to a referent that is a place (physical or metaphorical). They commonly occur with a noun but can also occur as the only element in a noun phrase. Moloko has four local adverbial demonstratives: proximal (near the speaker), distal (away from the speaker) (Section 3.2.2.1), far away from the speaker, and an anaphoric demonstrative used only in discourse (Section 3.2.2.2).

### **3.2.2.1 Proximal and distal local adverbial demonstratives**

Proximal and distal local adverbial demonstratives refer to a physical place (here or there). In a noun phrase, the position for the local adverbial demonstrative is different than for a nominal demonstrative. The local adverbial demonstrative occurs as a separate final element (51–54).<sup>11</sup> In the examples in this section, the demonstrative is bolded and the noun phrase is marked by square brackets.


<sup>11</sup>Note that nominal demonstratives do not occur after the adjectiviser, Section 5.1.

### 3 Grammatical classes

(53) Disobedient Girl, S. 13

[War elé háy bəlen ga **nəndəye**] [nok amɛzəɗe na], [war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one ga adj **nɪndijɛ**] dem [nɔkʷ 2s amɛ-zɪɗ-ɛ dep-take-cl na] psp

'That one grain there (highlighted12), the one that you have taken,'

káhaya na kə ver aka.

ká-h=aja 2s+ifv-grind=plu na 3s.do kə on vɛr grinding stone aka on 'grind it on the grinding stone.'

(54) Values, S. 3

Səwat na, [təta a məsəyon na ava **nəndəye** na], pester áhata. suwat id:disperse na psp [təta 3p a at mʊsijɔŋ mission na psp ava in **nɪndijɛ** dem na] psp pɛʃtɛr pastor á-h=ata 3s-tell=3p.io 'As the people go home from church, the pastor tells them, (lit. disperse, they in the mission there),

The local adverbial demonstrative can be the head of a noun phrase. In (55) the demonstrative is modified by the plural.

(55) Nde [**nehe** ahay na] sla ango ahay ɗaw? ndɛ so [**nɛhɛ**=ahaj dem=Pl na] psp ɬa=aŋgʷɔ=ahaj cow=2s.poss=Pl ɗaw q 'So, these [cows] here (in this place), are they your cows?'

For locations far away from the speaker, the locational adverb *toho* is used in a possessive or genitive construction with the noun it modifies, (*anga toho*, (56) see Section 5.6.1; or *a toho*, (57), see Section 5.4.1).

(56) [Hay əwla **anga toho** na], eleməzləɓe tanday tozom na. [haj=uwla house=1s.poss **aŋga** poss **tɔhʷɔ** dem na] psp ɛlɛmɪɮɪɓɛ termites ta-ndaj 3p-prog tɔ-zɔm 3p-eat na 3s.do 'My house way over there (pointing to a particular house among others in the distance), termites are eating it.' (lit. my house, the one that belongs to over there, termites are eating it)

<sup>12</sup>See below for the discourse function of local adverbial demonstratives.

### 3.2 Demonstratives and demonstrationals

(57) [Awak ahay **a toho**] anga əwla. [awak=ahaj goat=Pl **a** gen **tɔhʷɔ**] dem aŋga=uwla poss=1s.poss 'The goats over there (in that place) belong to me.' (lit. the goats over there [are] belonging to me)

The function of local adverbial demonstratives to point out a place can be seen in the Cicada text (58–59, found in its entirety in Section 1.6). In the story, a beautiful tree is found in the bush and the chief decides that he wants to have it moved to his yard. The tree is first mentioned as being *a ləhe* 'in the bush' in line S. 5 (58). The tree is mentioned again in line S. 12 marked by the local adverbial demonstrative *nəndəye* 'that one there' (59).

(58) Cicada, S. 5

Təlo tənjakay agwazla malan ga a ləhe.

tə̀-lɔ 3p+pfv-go tə̀-nzak-aj 3p+pfv-find-cl agʷaɮa spp. of tree malaŋ large ga adj a at lɪhɛ bush

'They went and found a large tree (of a particular species) in the bush.'

(59) Cicada, S. 12

Təlo tamənjar na ala [mama agwazla **nəndəye**] tə̀-lɔ 3p+pfv-go tà-mənzar 3p+hor-see na=ala 3s.do=to [mama mother agʷaɮa spp. of tree **nɪndijɛ**] dem 'They went to see the mother tree there.'

Sometimes local adverbial demonstratives have a highlighting function for new information in a narrative, drawing attention to their referent.<sup>13</sup> In the 'Cows in the Field' story (not illustrated in its entirety in this work), *ɗerəywel nendəge* 'this paper here' (60) was not with the speaker when he told the story; neither was it previously mentioned in the discourse. According to the discourse, the paper should have helped to bring justice to the men whose cotton was destroyed, but it didn't. Its marking with a demonstrative therefore has the function to highlight the paper at that moment of the event line.

(60) Alala na, ta anaw [ɗerəywel **nendəge**]. a-l=ala 3s-go=to na psp ta 3p an dat =aw =1s.io [ɗɛrijwɛl paper **nɛndɪgɛ**] dem 'Later, they [gave] me this here paper.'

<sup>13</sup>Dixon (2003) mentions that demonstratives can function to introduce new information. Note that in Moloko, all new information need not be marked with a demonstrative.

### 3 Grammatical classes

In the Values exhortation (61, shown in its entirety in Section 1.7) the local adverbial demonstrative *nehe* 'this here' is used to draw attention to new information. In the exhortation, the phrase *ele nehe* 'these things here' introduces information not previously mentioned in the discourse.<sup>14</sup> This information – the things that people are not supposed to do – is the main topic of the entire discourse. The demonstrative notifies the reader of the importance of the new information. Note that the demonstrative is not functioning cataphorically here. It is the narrator who specifies the things that people are not supposed to do in the discourse which follows (S. 4–5 in 61), not the pastor in his speech.

(61) Values, S. 3

Səwat na, [təta a məsəyon na ava nəndəye na], Pester ahata, suwat id:disperse na psp [təta 3p a at mʊsijɔŋ mission na psp ava in nɪndijɛ dem na] psp Pɛstɛr pastor a-h=ata 3s-tell=3p.io 'As the people go home from church (lit. disperse, they in the mission there), the Pastor said,

```
"Ey, [ele nehe na] kogom bay!"
ɛj
hey
    [ɛlɛ
    thing
           nɛhɛ
           dem
                na]
                psp
                     kɔ-gʷ-ɔm
                     2-do-2p
                               baj
                               neg
'"Hey! These things here, don't do them!"'
```
Values, S. 4 Yawa, war dalay ga ándaway mama ahan. jawa well war child dalaj female ga adj á-ndaw-aj 3s+ifv-insult-cl mama=ahaŋ mother=3s.poss 'Well, the girls insult their mothers.'

Values, S. 5 War zar ga ándaway baba ahan. war child zar male ga adj á-ndaw-aj 3s+ifv-insult-cl baba=ahaŋ father=3s.poss '[And] the boys insult their fathers.'

<sup>14</sup>Note that the local adverbial demonstrative *nəndəye* 'here' in the same example functions to simply point out a place in the phrase *təta a məsəyon na ava nəndəye* 'the ones in church there'. Also, compare the function of the proximal local adverbial demonstrative *nehe* with that of the proximal nominal demonstrative *nəngehe* in the same example. The nominal demonstrative (Section 3.2.1) in the phrase *ele=ahay aməgəye bay nəngehe* 'these particular things that one shouldn't do' points out particular things which are previously mentioned.

3.2 Demonstratives and demonstrationals

Values, S. 6 Yo, [ele ahay aməgəye bay nəngehe pat], jɔ well [ɛlɛ=ahaj thing=Pl amɪ-g-ijɛ dep-go-cl baj neg nɪŋgɛhɛ dem pat] all 'Well, all these particular things that we are not supposed to do,' tahata na va kə dəftere aka. ta-h=ata 3p-tell=3p.io na 3s.do =va =prf kə on dɪftɛrɛ book aka. on 'they have already told them in the book.'

The highlighting function of local adverbial demonstratives does not have to be associated with the introduction of new information. For example, in the Disobedient Girl story (62, shown in its entirety in Section 1.5), the one grain of millet is introduced in the first line of the husband's speech to his wife (line S. 13 in 62). The next mention of the one grain of millet is in the next line of his speech is where the grain is marked by the local adverbial demonstrative in *war elé háy bəlen ga nəndəye* 'that one grain there.' In this case, *nəndəye* 'that there' does not mark new information; the one grain of millet has already been mentioned in the previous sentence. However, the highlighting function of the demonstrative identifies the one grain of millet as being important in the developing story. It is the one grain of millet which becomes transformed and multiplied and suffocates the disobedient girl by the end of the story.

(62) Disobedient Girl, S. 13

Asa asok aməhaya na, kázaɗ war elé háy bəlen.

asa if à-s=ɔkʷ 3s+pfv-please=2s.io amə-h=aja dep-grind=plu na psp ká-zaɗ 2s+ifv-take war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet

bɪlɛŋ

one

'If you want to grind, you take only one grain.'

[War elé háy bəlen ga **nəndəye**] [nok amɛzəɗe na], [war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one ga adj **nɪndijɛ** dem nɔkʷ 2s amɛ-zɪɗ-ɛ dep-take-cl na] psp 'That (highlighted) one grain, the one that you have taken,'

káhaya na kə ver aka. ká-h=aja 2s+ifv-grind=plu na 3s.do kə on vɛr grinding stone aka on 'grind it on the grinding stone.'

### 3 Grammatical classes

The distal non local demonstrative is employed in a common discourse idiom – *a slam nendəye ava* 'at that time.' The idiom notifies the reader of an important pivotal moment in a story. Example (63) is from the 'Cows in the Field' story (not illustrated in its entirety in this work). The narrative concerns dealings with the owners of a herd of cows that had destroyed someone's field of cotton. *A slam nendəye ava* marks the transition point in the way that the speaker dealt with the cows.

(63) A [slam **nendəye**] ava na, nawəy, a at [ɬam place **nɛndijɛ**] dem ava in na psp nawij 1s+said 'At that moment, I said,'

> "Sla ahay na, məmokok ta bay, ɬa=ahaj cow=Pl na psp mʊ-mɔkʷ-ɔkʷ 1Pin+hor-leave-2Pin ta 3p.do baj neg '"These cows, let's not leave them at all,'

golok ta a Kəɗəmbor, gʷɔl-ɔkʷ drive[imp]-1Pin ta 3p.do a at Kʊɗʊmbɔr Tokombere 'let's drive them to Tokombere,'

ɗeɗen bay na memey?" ɗɛɗɛŋ truth baj neg na psp mɛmɛj how 'if it's not true, then how?"'

### **3.2.2.2 Anaphoric demonstrative**

The anaphoric demonstrative *ndana* 'that previously mentioned' refers to a metaphorical place and is used only in discourse for anaphoric marking of a participant that is important to the message of the discourse. In the Disobedient Girl story, *war dalay ndana* 'that previously mentioned young woman' occurs in the introduction of the major characters in the story (64). The three major characters in the story are the husband, the woman, and the grain of millet. The woman will, by her disobedience, bring a curse on the Moloko people.

### 3.2 Demonstratives and demonstrationals

(64) Disobedient Girl, S. 11 Azləna, [war dalay **ndana**] cezlere ga. aɮəna but [war child dalaj female **ndana**] dem tʃɛɮɛrɛ disobedience ga adj 'Now, the above-mentioned young girl was disobedient.'

Likewise, in the Cicada story (65–67), found in its entirety in Section 1.6, the demonstrative *ndana* 'previously mentioned' is used anaphorically to mark the young men and the tree, both of which are key elements in the story. The chief desired to have a particular tree transplanted at his gate. He commissioned his people to do it. In (66) (from S. 6), *albaya=ahay ndana* 'those previously mentioned young men' and (67) (from S. 9) *agwazla ndana* 'that tree just mentioned,' *ndana* is used to refer back to the young men introduced in S.3 and the tree introduced in S.5.

(65) Cicada, S. 3 and S. 5

Albaya ahay aba.…Təlo tənjakay agwazla malan ga a ləhe. albaja=ahaj young man=Pl aba.… ext 'There were some young men…

tə̀-lɔ 3p+pfv-go tə̀-nzak-aj 3p+pfv-find-cl agʷaɮa spp. of tree malaŋ large ga adj a at lɪhɛ bush 'They went and found a large tree (of a particular species) in the bush.'

(66) Cicada, S. 6

[Albaya ahay **ndana**] kəlen təngalala ma ana bahay. [albaja young man =ahaj =Pl **ndana**] dem kɪlɛŋ then tə̀-ŋgala=ala 3p+pfv-come back=to ma word ana dat bahaj chief 'Those above-mentioned young men then took the word (response) to the chief.'

(67) Cicada, S. 9

Káazaɗom anaw ala [agwazla **ndana**] ka mahay əwla aka. káá-zaɗ-ɔm 2p+pot-take-2p an=aw=ala dat=1s.io=to [agʷaɮa spp. of tree **ndana**] dem ka on mahaj=uwla door=1s.poss aka on 'You will bring the above-mentioned tree to my door for me.'

*Ndana* 'the above-mentioned' can also have an abstract antecedent. Example (68) is from line S. 34 of the Millet story. In this sentence, *ndana* 'the above-

### 3 Grammatical classes

mentioned' is head of the noun phrase and refers to the entire preceding story of the disobedience and death of the girl.

(68) Disobedient Girl, S. 34

Waya **ndana** Hərmbəlom ázata aka barka ahan va. waja because ndana dem Hʊrmbʊlɔm God á-z=ata=aka 3s+ifv-take=3p.io=on barka=ahaŋ=va blessing=3s.poss=prf 'Because of the above-mentioned, God had taken back his blessing from them.'

### **3.2.3 Manner adverbial demonstratives**

Manner adverbial demonstratives have been described by Dixon (2003) to function as non-inflecting modifiers to verbs. There are two types in Moloko, depending on how they are derived. Dixon (2003) notes that manner adverbial demonstratives are morphologically derived from nominal demonstratives. In Moloko they are derived from the nominal demonstrative.

The first type in Moloko is derived from the demonstrative by the addition of *ka* 'like.' The adverbial demonstrative *ka nehe* 'like this' (69) is used when the speaker indicates with hand or body movements how a particular action is carried out. It is derived from the proximal nominal demonstrative *nehe* 'this here' (see Section 3.2.2.1).

(69) Enjé ele ahan dəren **ka nehe.** à-ndʒ-ɛ 3s+pfv-leave-cl ɛlɛ=ahaŋ thing=3s.poss dɪrɛŋ far **ka** like **nɛhɛ** this 'He went (lit. took his things away) far away like this.'

The adverbial demonstrative *ka ndana* 'like what was just said' is used in the reply (70b) to the statement in (70a). *Ka ndana* is derived from the anaphoric demonstrative *ndana* 'the above-mentioned' (see Section 3.2.2.2). *Ka ndana* can be negated; compare the positive and negative replies in (70b) and (71b), respectively.

(70) a. Nəvəye ngehe na, ngama aməgəye jerne nə eteme. nɪvijɛ season ŋgɛhɛ dem na psp ŋgama better amɪ-g-ijɛ dep-do-cl dʒɛrnɛ garden nə with ɛtɛmɛ onion 'This season I think it is better to grow onions.'

3.3 Numerals and quantifiers

b. Nə́ɗəgalay **ka ndana**. nə́-ɗəgal-aj 1s+ifv-think-cl **ka** like **ndana** dem 'I think so too.'

(71) a. Nəvəye ngehe na, ngama aməgəye jerne nə eteme. nɪvijɛ season ŋgɛhɛ dem na psp ŋgama better amɪ-g-ijɛ dep-do-cl dʒɛrnɛ garden nə with ɛtɛmɛ onion 'This season I think it is better to grow onions.'

> b. Nə́ɗəgalay **ka ndana** bay. nə́-ɗəgal-aj 1s+ifv-think-cl **ka** like **ndana** dem baj neg 'I don't think so.'

The second type of adverbial demonstrative in Moloko is derived from the adverb *ehe* by the addition of the tag *kəyga* 'like that' (see Section 10.3.3). *Kəygehe* 'like this' will be accompanied by gestures demonstrating the place where the action will occur (72–73).

(72) Adəkwalay ana Hərmbəlom ton **kəygehe.** à-dʊkʷ=alaj 3s+pfv-arrive=away ana dat Hʊrmbʊlɔm God tɔŋ id:touch **kijgɛhɛ** like this 'It touched God like this [in the eye]. (lit. it arrived to God, touching [him] like this)'

(73) Lo kəygehe. lo go[2s.imp] **kijgɛhɛ** like this 'Go that way [along that pathway].'

### **3.3 Numerals and quantifiers**

Three systems of numerals are found in Moloko:


### Grammatical classes

• A base ten system for ordinal numbers (ordering items with respect to one another, Section 3.3.3).

### **3.3.1 Cardinal numbers for items**

Cardinal numbers for counting items follow a base-ten system are shown in Table 3.7.


Table 3.7: Cardinal numerals for counting items

*<sup>a</sup>*This numeral is pronounced either [*məfaɗ* ] or [*uwfaɗ* ] by speakers from different regions.

Numbers used for counting in isolation are identical to the system shown in Table 3.7. When modifying a noun, the numerals follow the noun in a noun phrase (74–75). The consitiutent order of the noun phrase is discussed in Section 5.1.

3.3 Numerals and quantifiers


The numerals can stand as head of a noun phrase in a clause (76–77) but the immediate context must give the referent. In (76b), the response to the question in (76a) only needs to give the number.

	- b. Nənjakay bəlen. nə-nzak-aj 1s-find-cl bɪlɛŋ one 'I found one.'

Table 3.7 shows that the numbers one to ten are unique. The numbers eleven through nineteen are composites of ten plus one, ten plus two, etc. The word to indicate 'plus' is *hər*, which has no other meaning in the language. Twenty is *kokər cew*, which is some kind of derivitave of *kəro* 'ten.' After 100, numbers are made of a coordinate noun phrase composed of *səkat* 'one hundred,' the adposition *nə* 'with,' and a second number. One thousand is *dəbo*, and higher numbers are seen as multiples of *dəbo*.

There is a culturally governed exception to the use of cardinal numbers in Moloko. To give the age of a one year old child, a Moloko speaker will say *məvəye daz* (not \**məvəye bəlen* 'year one'). *Məvəye daz* means that the child has lived

### 3 Grammatical classes

through one Moloko New Year (celebrated in September). We found no other meaning for the word *daz* apart from its use here.

### **3.3.2 Numbers for counting money**

Money is counted using two different systems which overlap (see Table 3.8). A base-five system is used for amounts under about 250 Central African Francs (Fcfa). Many languages in Cameroon use a base five system for counting money. The reason for its use is probably based on the fact that the smallest coin was worth 5 Fcfa, and it became the basic unit for monetary transactions.<sup>15</sup> Ten francs, being two of these coins, is *dal cew* 'two coins,' fifteen francs is *dal makar* 'three coins,' and so on (the values for the other coins that were available are indicated in the left column of Table 3.8). The system becomes awkward for higher amounts (above 50 coins, or 250 Fcfa) because of the high numbers, and a base ten system is superimposed (right column of Table 3.8). Between 100 Fcfa and 250 Fcfa, both the base five and base ten are used, although within the Moloko mountain region, the base five system predominates.

The basic unit for the monitary base ten system is the 100 Fcfa coin (*səloy səkat* 'coin 100'). This system uses the same number for one hundred as the system for counting items (*səkat*). Ten of these coins make the 1000 Fcfa bill, so not unexpectedly, the term for the 1000 Fcfa bill is not the same as the number '1000' for counting non-money items (*dəbo* see Table 3.7), but rather is a term specific to money – *ombolo*.

When larger amounts of money are counted, both base ten and base five systems are used. For example, 13,250 Fcfa is *ombolo kəro hər makar nə səloy kokər zlom* 'thirteen thousand Fcfa (base ten) and fifty 5 Fcfa coins (base five)' (lit. 13 thousand with 50 5Fcfa coins).

It is interesting that recently, a one franc coin has been made available in Cameroon. The term for this coin wasn't in the original counting system where the 5 Fcfa coin was the basic unit. It is now called *elé bəlen* literally 'one eye.'

### **3.3.3 Ordinal numbers**

Only the first ordinal number is a unique vocabulary word in Moloko: *cekem* 'first' (78). The other ordinal expressions use a noun phrase construction using the cardinal counting numbers (76–77, cf. Table 3.7):

<sup>15</sup>The generic term for money in Moloko is *dala*, possibly a borrowed term from the American *dollar*.


Table 3.8: Numbers for money


### 3 Grammatical classes

### **3.3.4 Non-numeral quantifiers**

Non-numeral quantifiers<sup>16</sup> include *gam* 'much' (81–82), *nekwen* 'little,' *jəyga* 'all,' *dəyday* 'approximately,' and *haɗa* 'enough' (83–84). When they occur in a noun phrase, they are the final element (81). The noun phrase is delimited by square brackets.


### **3.4 Existentials**

Moloko has three positive existentials and one negative existential. The prototypical existential *aba* 'there exists' (85). carries the most basic idea of existence. Its negative is *abay* 'there does not exist.'<sup>17</sup> The locational existential *ava* 'there exists in a particular place,' and the possessive existential *aka* 'there exists associated with' each carry the concept of existence along with their own specific

<sup>16</sup>Some of these quantifiers can also pattern as adverbs, e.g., *gam* 'much' (107).

<sup>17</sup>Historically, this existential is perhaps a compound of the existential *aba* and the negative *bay*.

3.4 Existentials

meaning. The possessive existential must be accompanied by a indirect object pronominal.

Existentials are verb-like and fill the verb slot in a clause, but are not conjugated for aspect or mood and do not take subject or direct object pronominals. Some of the existentials can carry verbal extensions or indirect object pronominals. The existential clause contains few elements – most commonly just a subject and the existential. The existential clause can be in a presupposition construction (Chapter 11) or an interrogative construction (Section 10.3).

The prototypical existential is *aba* 'there is' (85–86) and its negative is *abay* 'there is none' (87–88). A clause with one of these existentials requires a subject but there are no other core participants or obliques. The existential is bolded in the examples.

(85) Məze **aba**. mɪʒɛ person **aba** ext 'There was a man …' (a common beginning to a story)

(86) Babəza əwla ahay **aba**. babəza=uwla=ahaj children=1s.poss=Pl **aba** ext 'I have children.' (lit. my children exist)


The existentials *aba* and *abay* can also carry an extended sense to indicate the health of the person. Examples (89a) and (90) are greetings, which are questions that can occur with (89a) or without (90) the word *zay* 'peace.' Examples (89b) and (91) are possible replies to either of these questions. Likewise, (92–93) show inquiries and possible replies as to the health of a third person.

### 3 Grammatical classes

(89) a. Nok **aba** zay ɗaw? nɔkʷ 2s **aba** ext zaj peace ɗaw q 'Are you well?' (lit. 'Do you exist [in] peace?') b. Ne **aba**. nɛ 1s **aba** ext 'I am well.' (lit. I exist) (90) Nok **aba** ɗaw? nɔkʷ 2s **aba** ext ɗaw q 'Are you well?' (lit. 'Do you exist?') (91) Asak əwla **abay**. asak=uwla foot=1s.poss **abaj** ext+neg 'My foot hurts.' (lit. my foot doesn't exist) (92) a. Baba ango **aba** ɗaw? baba=aŋgʷɔ father=2s.poss **aba** ext ɗaw q 'Is your father well?' (lit. does your father exist?) b. Ayaw, ndahan **aba.** ajaw yes ndahaŋ 3s **aba** ext 'Yes, he is well.' (lit. yes, he exists) (93) Baba əwla na, hərva ahan **abay.** baba=uwla na hərva=ahaŋ **abaj**

father=1s.poss psp body=3s.poss ext+neg 'My father is sick.' (lit. my father, his body doesn't exist)

The existential *aba* is also used in presentational clauses in a narrative to introduce some major participants in the setting. The introduction to the Cicada story is shown in (94).

3.4 Existentials

(94) Cicada, S. 3-4 Albaya ahay **aba**. Tánday tə́talay a ləhe. albaja=ahaj young man=Pl **aba** ext tá-ndaj 3p+ifv-prg tə́-tal-aj 3p+ifv-walk-cl a at lɪhɛ bush 'There were some young men. They were walking in the bush.'

In some presentational clauses both the prototypical existential and the locational existential can co-occur. (95) is from the setting of a story story. Note that this existential clause contains the adverb *ete* 'also.'

(95) Albaya **ava aba** ete. Olo azala hor. albaja young man **ava** ext+in **aba** ext ɛtɛ also ɔ̀-lɔ 3s+pfv-go à-z=ala 3s+pfv-take=to hʷɔr woman 'And so, there once was a young man (in a particular place). He went and took a wife.'

The locational existential *ava* 'there is in' (96–99) expresses existence 'in' a particular location. This existential is the same as the adpositional verbal extension *=ava* 'in' (see Section 7.5.1) and the locational postposition *ava* 'in' (see Section 5.6.2), all of which express the location in something, either physically or figuratively. In some of the examples below, a response is included which also employs the same existential. Note that the existential in (99) carries the directional 'away from' (see Section 7.5.2).

(96) a. Sese **ava** ɗaw? ʃɛʃɛ meat **ava** ext+in ɗaw q 'Is there any meat located here [for sale]?' b. Ayaw, sese **ava.** ajaw yes ʃɛʃɛ meat **ava** ext+in 'Yes, we have meat located here.' (97) a. Baba ango, ndahan **ava** ɗaw? baba=aŋgʷɔ father=2s.poss ndahaŋ 3s **ava** ext+in ɗaw q

'Is your father located here?' (lit. your father, is he here?)

### 3 Grammatical classes

b. Ndahan **ava** bay; enjé amətele. ndahaŋ 3s **ava** ext+in baj neg ɛ̀-nʒɛ 3s+pfv-left amɪ-tɛl-ɛ dep-travel-cl 'No, he is not located here; he went somewhere.'

(98) Ndahan **ava.**

ndahaŋ 3s **ava** ext+in 'He/she is here.'

(99) Ndahan **ava** alay. ndahaŋ 3s **ava**=alaj ext+in=away 'He/she is located at the place of reference.' (lit. he is in away)

The possessive existential *aka* 'there is on' (100–103, 105) expresses existence 'on' a person (indicating possession or accompaniment). This existential is the same as the adpositional verbal extension =*aka* 'on' (see Section 7.5.1) and locational postposition *aka* 'on' (see Section 5.6.2), all of which express location on something, whether physically or figuratively. The subject of the possessive existential (the possessed item) is followed by a construction consisting of the indirect object pronominal cliticised to the particle *an-*, in turn followed by the possessive existential *aka* 'on.' The particle *an-* is the same particle to which the indirect object pronominal cliticises when there is a suffix on the verb stem (see Section 7.3.2) and these elements are found in the same order as they are within the verb complex. A question and response pair is shown in (100).

(100) a. Dala anok **aka** ɗaw?

dala an=ɔkʷ **aka** ɗaw

money dat=2s.io ext+on q

'Do you have any money [located] with you?' (lit. is there money on you?)

b. Ayaw, dala anaw **aka.**

ajaw dala an=aw **aka**

yes money dat=1s.io ext+on

'Yes, I have money [located] on me.'

3.5 Adverbs

(101) Hor anan **aka** ana Mana. hʷɔr woman an=aŋ dat=3s.io **aka** ext+on ana dat Mana Mana 'He has a wife.' (lit. a woman to him there is on for Mana)

The existential *aka* can also be used to mean accompaniment (102).

(102) Bahay a sla ahay na, ndahan **aka** ɗaw? bahaj chief a gen ɬa=ahaj cow=Pl na psp ndahaŋ 3s **aka** ext ɗaw q 'Was the owner of the cows [located] with [you]?' (lit. the chief of the cows, was he 'on'?)

The locational existential *aka* (103, 105) can also fill the same role as the verb *nday* (104, see Section 8.2.1) to express an action in progress. This usage of *aka* may be due to adoption of a similar particle in Fulfulde, the language of wider communication in the region. The particle *don* in Adamawa Fulfulde has a present progressive and existential use similar to *aka* in Moloko (Edward Tong, personal communication).


### **3.5 Adverbs**

Some adverbs modify verbs within the verb phrase (simple or derived, Sections 3.5.1 and 3.5.2, respectively), others modify the clause as a whole (temporal adverbs, Section 3.5.3), and yet others function at the discourse level (Section 3.5.4).

### 3 Grammatical classes

Note that ideophones can function adverbially to give pictoral vividness to a clause (Doke 1935). Because they pattern differently than adverbs, they are considered in their own section (Section 3.6).

### **3.5.1 Simple verb phrase-level adverbs**

Verb phrase adverbs give information concerning the location, quality, quantity, or manner of the action expressed in the verb phrase. These adverbs occur after any adpositional phrases (106–108).


Verb phrase adverbs include *dəren* 'far distance,' *nekwen* 'a small quantity' (106)*, gam* 'a large quantity' (107), *sawan* 'without help' (108) and the modal adverbs *təta* 'can,' an adverb of ability (109 and 110), and *dewele* 'ought,' an adverb of necessity (111).


3.5 Adverbs

(111) Bahay ázom sese **dewele.** bahaj chief á-zɔm 3s+ifv-eat ʃɛʃɛ meat **dɛwɛlɛ** necessary 'The chief must eat meat.'

The simple adverbs expressing location, quantity, quality, and manner can be intensified by reduplication of a consonant or reduplication of the entire adverb.<sup>18</sup> (112–115) show the simple adverb with its intensified counterpart. The reduplication of a consonant occurs at the onset of the final syllable (112 and 113). The entire adverb is reduplicated in (114) and (115). Intensified adverbs cannot be negated.


### **3.5.2 Derived verb phrase-level adverbs**

Verb phrase adverbs can be derived from nouns by reduplicating the final consonant of the noun and adding [a] (i.e. Ca where the C is the final consonant of the noun). The reduplicated syllable is labelled 'adverbiser' (adv) <sup>19</sup> in (116– 117). Compare the noun and its derived adverb in (116) and (117). Note that the reduplicated consonant in the derived adverb in example (116) is the word-final

<sup>18</sup>Adverbs of ability and necessity cannot be reduplicated, nor can adverbs which function beyond the verb phrase level.

<sup>19</sup>We have not found the term 'adverbiser' in the literature. Adverbiser in this work is defined as a derivational morpheme whose presence changes the grammatical class of a stem to become an adverb.

### 3 Grammatical classes

allophone [x] rather than word-medial [h]. Likewise, example (117) shows [ŋ] rather than [n]. These word-final changes (see Section 2.6.1) in the reduplicated consonant indicate that the reduplication occurs after phonological word-final changes are made and that the reduplicated segment is phonologically bound to the noun (see Section 2.6.2).


Note especially (118) and (119) which illustrate that the labialisation prosody on the nouns *rəbok* and *hərək* does not spread rightwards to the adverbiser (otherwise, the reduplicated /k/ would be labialised, see Section 2.1).


### **3.5.3 Clause-level adverbs**

Temporal adverbs modify the clause as a whole and can occur clause initially or verb phrase finally (120 and 121, <sup>20</sup> respectively).<sup>21</sup> These include *egəne* 'today,' *hajan* 'tomorrow,' *apazan* 'yesterday.'

<sup>20</sup>Note that *a kosoko ava* 'in the market' is a complex adpositional phrase (see Section 5.6.2).

<sup>21</sup>The order of constituents in the verb phrase is given in Chapter 8.

3.5 Adverbs


### **3.5.4 Discourse-level adverbs**

Discourse adverbs function at the clause combining level. Grammatically they are found verb phrase final. Semantically they deonte the relationship between their clause to the previous discourse. Discourse adverbs can neither be negated nor intensified by reduplication. They include *ese* 'again' (same actor, same action, 122), *ete* 'also' (same action, different actor, 123), *fan* 'already' (expressing Perfect aspect in that the action is performed in the past with effects continuing to the present, 124), *kəlo* 'already' or 'before' (the action was performed at least once before a particular time, 125).


### 3 Grammatical classes

The adverb *əwɗe* 'first' (126) indicates that the event expressed in the clause occurs before something else.

(126) Cicada, S. 20

Náamənjar na alay memele ga ndana **əwɗe.** náá-mənzar 1s+pot-see na=alaj 3s.do=away mɛmɛlɛ tree ga adj ndana dem **uwɗɛ** before something else 'First let me go and see that tree that you spoke of.' (lit. I would like to see that above-mentioned tree first)

*Azla* 'now' (127 and 128) adds tension and excitement.

### (127) Disobedient Girl, S. 21

Ndahan bah məbehe háy ahan amadala na kə ver aka **azla.** ndahaŋ 3s bax id:pour mɪ-bɛh-ɛ nom-pour-cl haj=ahaŋ millet=3s.poss ama-d=ala dep-put=to na 3s.do kə on vɛr stone

aka on **aɮa** now

'She poured out her millet to prepare it on the grinding stone now.'

(128) Disobedient Girl, S. 22

Njəw njəw njəw aməhaya **azla.** nzuw nzuw nzuw id:grind amə-h=aja dep-grind=plu **aɮa** now '*Njəw njəw njəw* [she] ground [the millet] now.'

*Ɗəwge* 'actual' indicates that the events in the clause actually happened (129).

(129) Snake, S. 24 Ka nehe ləbara a ma ndana **ɗəwge.** ka like nɛhɛ dem ləbara news a gen ma word ndana dem **ɗuwgɛ** actual 'And so was that previously mentioned story.'

*Re* 'counterexpectation' (130) indicates that the clause is the opposite to what the hearer might have expected.

3.6 Ideophones

(130) Values, S. 50 Epele epele na me, Hərmbəlom anday agas ta a ahar ava **re.** ɛpɛlɛ ɛpɛlɛ in the future na psp mɛ opinion Hʊrmbʊlɔm God a-ndaj 3s-prog a-gas 3s-catch ta 3p.do a at ahar hand ava in **rɛ** in spite

'In the future in my opinion, God is going to accept them [the elders] in his hands, in spite [of what anyone says].'

### **3.6 Ideophones**

Ideophones are a "vivid representation of an idea in sound" (Doke 1935: 118). They evoke the "idea" of a sensation or sensory perception (action, movement, colour, sound, smell, or shape). As such they are often onomatopoeic.

Ideophones are found in strategic places in narratives (both in legends and in true stories) and add vividness to major points in exhortations. At the peak moment of a story, ideophones can present the entire event expressed in a sentence. In such cases the clause may have no expressed subject or object – a transitivity of zero.

Newman (1968) suggests that ideophones do not comprise a grammatical class of their own, but rather are words from several different classes (including nouns, adjectives, and adverbs) which are grouped together based on phonological and semantic similarities rather than syntax. Ideophones are treated as a separate grammatical class in Moloko since although they may fill the noun, verb, or adverb slot in a clause, ideophones do not pattern as typical nouns, verbs, or adverbs. Section 3.6.1 describes the semantic and phonological features of ideophones, Section 3.6.2 discusses their syntax and their role in discourse, and Section 3.6.3 discusses the fact that a clause where an ideophone fills the verb slot can carry zero transitivity.

### **3.6.1 Semantic and phonological features of ideophones**

Ideophones carry an idea of a particular state or event – Moloko speakers can imagine the particular situation and the sensation of it when they hear a particular ideophone. The sensation may be a sound (131), vision (132), taste (133), feeling (134), or even an abstract idea (for example, an insult, 135).

### 3 Grammatical classes

(131) gəɗəgəzl gə̀ɗə̀gə̀ɮ 'the noise of something closing or being set down'

### (132) danjəw

dànzúw 'sight of someone walking balancing something on their head'


Ideophones have specific meanings; compare the following three ideophones in (136–138). The ideophones differ in only their final syllable.


Ideophones do not follow the stress rules for the language (Chapter 2). Some ideophones are stressed on the initial syllable (shown by full vowels in 135) while others have no full vowel (131, 139, 142).

3.6 Ideophones

(139) jəɓ dʒɪɓ jəɓ dʒɪɓ 'completely wet'

Moloko ideophones sometimes contain unusual sounds, including the labiodental flap [ѵ], marked as *vb* in the orthography. The labiodental flap is found only in ideophones that carry a neutral prosody.

(140) vbaɓ

ѵàɓ

'sound of something soft hitting the ground' (a snake, or a mud wall collapsing)

Ideophones often have reduplicated segments as shown in (141) (see also 133, 134, 135 for additional examples).

(141) həɓek hìɓɛ́k həɓek hìɓɛ́k 'hardly breathing' (almost dead)

Some ideophones require a context in order for their meaning to be understood clearly; others give a clear meaning even if they are spoken in isolation. Ideophones which carry a distinctive lexical meaning even when spoken in isolation are exemplified by (142). If a Moloko speaker hears someone say *njəw njəw* , they know that the speaker is talking about someone grinding something on a grinding stone. Likewise see also (131), (133–135), (141), (143), and (160).


In contrast, a Moloko speaker will need to understand a wider context to determine the meaning of *dergwejek* (144), which requires a context for the listener to understand the detail of the picture. In the same way, (140) also requires a context to specify its exact meaning (snake falling or wall collapsing).

### 3 Grammatical classes

(144) dergwecek dɛrgʷɛtʃɛk 'sight of someone lifting something onto their head'

### **3.6.2 Syntax of ideophones**

In a sentence, an ideophone can function as a noun, adverb, or verb. As a noun, the ideophone carries a descriptive picture with certain features. Ideophones that are lexical nouns (145–147, see also 133 and 134) can function as the head of a noun phrase, but they cannot be pluralised or modified by noun phrase constituents except with the adjectiviser *ga*. In example (147), the ideophone *mbajak mbajak mbajak* 'something big and reflective' is the direct object of the clause. The ideophones are bolded in the examples.

(145) Values, S. 34

Ehe na, təta na, kəw na, **bəwɗere.** ɛhɛ here na psp təta 3p na psp kuw id:take na psp **buwɗɛrɛ** id:foolishness 'Here, what they are taking is foolishness!' (lit. here, they, taking, foolishness)

(146) Values, S. 48

Kə wəyen aka ehe **tezl tezlezl.** kə on wijɛŋ earth aka on ɛhɛ here **tɛɮ tɛɮɛɮ** id:hollow

'[Among the people] on earth here, [we are like] the sound of a hollow cup bouncing on the ground.'

(147) Snake, S. 11

Námənjar na, **mbajak mbajak mbajak** gogolvon. ná-mənzar 1s+ifv-see na 3s.do **mbadzak mbadzak mbadzak** id:something big and reflective gʷɔgʷɔlvɔŋ snake

'I was seeing it, something big and reflective, a snake!'

When an ideophone functions as an adverb, the ideophone gives information concerning the subject of the clause as well as the manner of the action. Table 3.9 illustrates 11 different adverbial ideophones that collocate with the verb *həmay* 'run' but vary depending on the actor of the clause. Unlike most other adverbs however, ideophones cannot be negated.


Table3.9:Selectedideophonesthatco-occurwiththeverb*həmaj*'run'

### 3 Grammatical classes

When they act as adverbs, ideophones can occupy one of two slots in the clause. When the verb they modify is finite, ideophones will occur at the end of the clause following other adverbs (148–150 and all of the examples in Table 3.9). In a narrative, ideophones that function as adverbs can be found wherever the language is vivid. They occur most often at the inciting moment and the peak section of a narrative. The ideophones in each clause are bolded and the verb phrase is delimited by square brackets.


When the verb it modifes is non-inflected, the ideophone is the first element of the verb phrase, preceding the verb complex (151 and 152). This is a special construction that is discussed in Section 8.2.3.


### 3.6 Ideophones

At the most vivid moments of a discourse, an ideophone can carry the morphosyntactic features of a verb. As a verb the ideophone syntactically fills the verb slot in the verb phrase: it takes verbal extensions and non-subject pronominals. Semantically, the main event in a clause is expressed by the ideophone. For example, the ideophone *mək* 'positioning [self] for throwing' in line 14 of the Snake story (153) carries the verbal extensions *=ava* 'in' and *=alay* 'away.' Also, the ideophone *təh* 'put on head' in lines 26 and 27 of the Cicada story (154) carries the verbal pronominal *an=an* 'to it.' (155) also shows an ideophone with the direct object verbal extension *na*.


Albaya ahay weley [**təh** anan dəray na], abay. albaja=ahaj youth=Pl wɛlɛj which [**təx** id:put on head an=aŋ dat=3s.io dəraj head na] psp abaj ext+neg 'No one could lift it.' (lit. whichever young man put his head to [the tree in order to lift it], there was none)

In an exhortation, the major points may be made more vivid by the use of ideophones. Example (155) expresses a major point in the Values exhortation (see Section 1.7). Additionally, see (145–146) which also display this device.

(155) Values, S. 22 Təta [**dəl** na, ma Hərmbəlom nendəye]. təta 3p [**dəl** id:insult na 3s.do ma word Hʊrmbʊlɔm God nɛndijɛ] dem 'They insult it, this word of God!'

At the peak of a story, ideophones are found within many of the clauses. In some cases, the ideophone is the only element in the clause. In the Snake story for example, the peak episode (lines 8–18, see Section 1.4 for the entire text) contains seven ideophones. The narrator tells that he took his flashlight, shone it up *cəlar*, saw *mbajak mbajak* (something big and reflective), a snake. He *mbət* turned off his light, *kaləw* took his spear, *mək* (positioned himself). Penetration *mbəraɓ*. It

### 3 Grammatical classes

fell *vbaɓ* on the ground. Note that at the climactic moment (156), the entire clause is expressed by a single ideophone *mək*, followed by verbal extensions.

(156) Snake, S. 14 **Mək** ava alay. **mək**=ava=alaj id:position for throwing=in=away '[I] positioned myself mək!'

Likewise, in the peak episode of the Cicada text (lines S. 25–29 in Section 1.6) ideophones are frequent and at the climactic moment as shown in (157–158), the ideophone is the only element in the clause. The cicada and young men go to the tree *sen* to move it. All of the young men *təh* (tried to lift the tree) on their head, but none could lift it. Then the cicada *təh* (lifted) the tree onto his head. *Kəw* na (he got it). *Dergwejek* (he lifted it to his head). In line S. 26 the ideophone *təx* takes the place of the verb in the main clause and in lines S. 28 and S.29 the ideophone is the only element in the clause. The entire event in each of those lines is thus expressed by that one word.

(157) Cicada, S. 28 **Kəw** na. **kuw** id:getting na 3s.do '[He] got it.'

(158) Cicada, S. 29 **Dergwecek**. **dɛrgʷɛtʃɛk** id:lifting onto head '[He] lifted [it] onto [his head].'

### **3.6.3 Clauses with zero transitivity**

Chapter 9 discusses the semantics of Moloko verbs for different numbers of core grammatical relations. Moloko verbs can have from zero to four grammatical relations, three of which can be coded as part of the verb complex. Similarly, in clauses where ideophones fill the verb slot, the clause can have from zero to three explicit grammatical relations. The cases where the ideophone clause requires no explicit grammatical relations presents a most interesting situation. The clause displays a grammatical transitivity of zero, even though it expresses a semantic event with participants. The use of ideophones makes the moment

### 3.6 Ideophones

vivid and draws the listener into the story as if it was present before them so that the hearer can see and hear and imagine that they are participating in what is going on. This is a narrative device found in Moloko peak episodes.

For example, ideophones make up the entire clause in lines S. 28 and 29 at the peak of the Cicada text (example 157 above). On hearing the ideophones *kəwna* and *dergwejek*, the hearer knows that someone has a hold of something, and then lifts it up onto his head to carry it. Two participants are understood, but the actual number of grammatical relations in the clauses is zero. The hearer must infer from the context that it was the cicada (the unexpected participant) who is doing the lifting and carrying. The cicada being so small, the people actually watching the event would not know for sure who was moving the tree either, since it would look like the tree was moving all by itself. Thus the use of ideophones with zero grammatical relations contributes to the visualisation of the story and makes the listener more of an actual participant in the events of the story.

Likewise, in line S. 21 of the Disobedient Girl story (159) the clause has no expressed subject, direct or indirect object. The verb /h/ is in nominalised form with no pronominals to indicate participants. If a Moloko person hears the ideophone *njəw njəw*, he or she knows that someone is grinding something. In the context of the story, the woman is grinding millet, but the millet is expanding to fill the room and eventually will crush the woman. The clause only gives a picture/sound/idea of grinding with gaps in knowledge that the listener must work to fill in for themselves, th thus drawing the listener into the story.

(159) Disobedient Girl, S. 21 **Njəw njəw njəw** aməhaya azla. **nzuw nzuw nzuw** id:grind amə-h=aja dep-grind=plu aɮa now *Njəw njəw njəw* [she] ground [the millet] now.

A third example is found in the Snake story. In S. 14 and 15, both the ideophone clause (S.14) and the nominalised form plus ideophone (S.15) have zero grammatical relations (160). The speaker is making both himself and the snake 'invisible' at this peak moment of his story. The effect would be to allow the hearer to imagine themselves there right beside the speaker in the darkness, wondering where the snake was, hearing only the sounds of the events.

### 3 Grammatical classes

(160) Snake, S. 14 **Mək** ava alay. **mək**=ava=alaj id:take position for throwing=in=to '[He] positions himself for throwing [the spear].' Snake, S. 15 Mecesle **mbəraɓ**. mɛ-tʃɛɬ-ɛ nom-penetrate-cl **mbəraɓ** idpenetrate '[The spear] penetrates [the snake].'

### **3.7 Interjections**

Interjections can form a clause of their own (161 and 162) or can function as a kind of 'audible' pause while the speaker is thinking (163). They can also occur before or after the clause in an exclamation construction (see Section 10.5). Note that some interjections can be reduplicated for emphasis (compare 162 and 164).

```
(161) məf
```

```
məf
```
'get away! (to put off an animal or a child from continuing to do an undesirable action).'

```
(162) təde
       tɪdɛ
```
'good'


'very good'

## **4 Noun morphology**

A Moloko noun functions as the head of a noun phrase. A noun phrase can serve as an argument within a clause. The most prototypical nouns are those denoting something temporally stable, compact, physically concrete and made out of durable material, with a number of defining sub-features (Givón 2001: 50– 51), but the class extends also to include a range of more abstract concepts. The morphosyntactic criteria for identifying a noun in Moloko include:

	- They can take a possessive pronoun (3–4, see Section 3.1.2).

(3) hor əwla hʷɔr=uwla woman=1s.poss

'my wife'

(4) slərele ango ɬɪrɛlɛ=aŋgʷɔ work=2s.poss 'your work'

<sup>1</sup>The first line in each example is the orthographic form. The second is the phonetic form (slow speech) with morpheme breaks.

### 4 Noun morphology

	- They can be modified by a demonstrative (7–8, see Section 3.2.1– Section 3.2.2).
	- They can take the derivational morpheme *ga* resulting in a derived adjective (9–10, Section 5.3).
	- They can be modified by a derived adjective (11–12, see Section 4.3).

4.1 Phonological structure of the noun stem


Moloko nouns (or noun phrases) carry no overt case markers themselves; the function of the various noun phrases in a clause is indicated by the word order in the clause, pronominal marking in verbs (see Section 7.3), and adpositions (Section 5.6).

### **4.1 Phonological structure of the noun stem**

Bow (1997c) studied syllable patterns in nouns. Table 4.1 (from Bow 1997c) shows examples of one- to three-syllable noun words of each possible syllable pattern, with and without labialisation and palatalisation prosodies. Syllable pattern is independent of prosody. Bow found many nouns that are CVC but very few that are CV. However, many CVCV nouns actually contain a reduplicated syllable, (13–15).


There are many Moloko nouns whose first syllable is V. This syllable may be historically an old /a-/ prefix. Nouns with these /a-/ prefixes can only be discovered by comparing Moloko vocabulary with that of other related languages


Table4.1:Syllablepatternsinnounswithdifferentprosodies

### 4.2 Morphological structure of the noun word

where the nouns do not carry the prefix. Table 4.2 illustrates three nouns in Moloko and in Mbuko.<sup>2</sup>

Table 4.2: /a-/ prefix in Moloko compared with Mbuko


Bow (1997c) discovered that tonal melodies on nouns are different than for verbs (see Section 6.7 for verb tone melodies). Table 4.3 (from Bow 1997c) shows how the underlying tone melodies are realised on the surface in one, two, and three syllable nouns. The left column gives examples with no depressor consonants (see Section 2.4.1), and the right column contains nouns with depressor consonants which effect different tone melodies. For one syllable nouns, only two tonal melodies are possible (H or L). For two syllable nouns, H, L, HL, or LH are possible. For three syllable nouns, H, L, HL, LH, HLH, and LHL are possible. Note that a surface mid tone can result from two sources. It can be an underlying high tone that has been lowered by a preceding low tone<sup>3</sup> or it can be an underlying low tone in a word with no depressor consonants.<sup>4</sup>

### **4.2 Morphological structure of the noun word**

Moloko noun words are morphologically simple compared with verbs. A noun can be comprised of just a noun stem,<sup>5</sup> a compound noun, or a nominalised verb.

A noun stem can consist of a simple noun root (16) or two reduplicated segments (17). These reduplicated elements actually form two separate phonological words (note the word-final alteration *ŋ* in both segments) but are lexically one item.<sup>6</sup>

<sup>2</sup>Mbuagbaw (1995), Richard Gravina (2001). Judging from the number of nouns in the Moloko database that begin with m, there may be some kind of an old /*m-*/ prefix as well.

<sup>3</sup>Therefore there are no surface LH combinations since an underlying LH will be realised as LM. <sup>4</sup>There are also very few examples of ML combinations in the surface form. The only example was [*kɪ̀mɛdʒɛ ̄ ̀*], an underlying LHL that had depressor consonants.

<sup>5</sup>We refer to the simplest form as a stem because it can be more complex than a root in that it can have an /a-/ prefix.

<sup>6</sup>Because there are word-final consonant changes for only /n/ and /h/, it is not known whether all similar reduplications necessarily form two separate phonological words.


Table 4.3: Tonal melodies on nouns

4 Noun morphology

### 4.2 Morphological structure of the noun word


(17) ndən nden ndəŋ ndɛŋ 'traditional sword'

Nouns can be derived from verbs by a potentially complex process where a prefix, a suffix, and palatalisation are added. The prefix is *mə-* or *me-*, depending on whether the verb has the */a-/* prefix or not. The suffix is *-əye* or *-e*, depending on whether the verb root has one or more consonants. The suffix carries palatalisation which palatalises the whole word. The resulting form is an abstract noun which cannot take the plural *=ahay* but which otherwise has all the characteristics of a noun. This highly productive process is discussed further in Section 7.6 but two nominalisations are shown here. In (18) and (19), the underlying form, the 2s imperative, and the nominalised form are given. A one-syllable verb with no prefix takes the prefix *mə-* and the suffix *-əye* (18). A two consonant root with /a-/ prefix takes the prefix *me-* and the suffix *-e* (19).


Another nominalisation process can be postulated when noun stems and verb roots are compared. This second nominalisation process is irregular and nonproductive. Table 4.4 illustrates a few examples and compares verb roots with their counterpart regular and irregular nominalisations. In each case, the consonants in the nouns in both nominalised forms are the same as those for the underlying verb root. These data show that in the irregular set of nominalisations, there is no set process of nominalisation — in some cases an /*a-*/ prefix is added (see lines 1 and 2); in other cases the prosody is changed to form the irregular nominalised form (from palatalised to neutral in line 4, from neutral to palatalised in lines 3, 5, and 6).

### 4 Noun morphology

When the irregular nominalisations are compared with the regular nominalised form in Table 4.4, it can be seen that the two types of nouns relate to the sense of the verbs in different ways. The regular nominalisation refers to the event or the process itself (stealing, carrying, sending, etc.), whereas the irregular nominalisation denotes some kind of a referent involved in the event (thief, work, hand, etc.).


Table 4.4: Derived nouns

*a* Probably a compound of *slar* 'send/commission' *+ ele* 'thing' (Section 4.3).

Two processes denominalise nouns; one forms adjectives (Section 4.3) and the other, adverbs (see Section 3.5.2). It is not possible to derive a verb from a noun root or stem in Moloko.

### **4.2.1 Subclasses of nouns**

There are no distinct morphological noun classes in Moloko. Those nouns with an /a-/ prefix could perhaps be considered a separate class (see Section 4.1), but this phenomenon is more of an interesting historical linguistic phenomenon rather than a marker of synchronically different Moloko noun classes. There appears to be no phonological, grammatical or semantic reason for the prefix or other consequences of the presence versus absence of /a-/.

4.2 Morphological structure of the noun word

The plural construction is discussed in Section 4.2.2. Moloko has four subclasses of nouns that are distinguished by whether and how they become pluralised. These are concrete nouns (Section 4.2.3), mass nouns (Section 4.2.4), abstract nouns (Section 4.2.5), and irregular nouns (Section 4.2.6).

### **4.2.2 Plural construction**

Noun plurals are formed by the addition of the clitic *ahay* which follows the noun or the possessive pronoun. The plural clitic carries some features of a separate phonological word and some of a phonologically bound morpheme. The neutral prosody of [=*ahaj*] does not neutralise the prosody of the word to which it cliticises (20, 21), which would indicate a separate phonological word (see Section 2.6.1).


Two types of word-final changes indicate that the plural is phonologically bound to the noun. First, word-final changes for /h/ that demonstrate a word break do not occur between a noun and the plural (2).

Second, the stem-final deletion of /n/ before the /=ahj/ (shown in Table 4.5. adapted from Bow 1997c) indicates that the plural is phonologically bound to the noun (Section 2.6.1.5).


Table 4.5: Word-final changes of /n/ between noun and plural clitic

### 4 Noun morphology

We consider the plural marker to be a type of clitic and not an affix<sup>7</sup> because it does show some evidence of phonological attachment and because it binds to words of different grammatical classes in order to maintain its position at the right edge of the noun phrase permanent attribution construction (see Section 5.4.2). The plural [=*ahaj*] will cliticise to a noun (22), possessive pronoun (23, 24), or pronoun. The plural modifies the entire construction in a permanent attribution construction (Section 5.1 example 10).


Note that in adjectivised noun phrases, other constituents must also be pluralised (Section 5.3 examples 47–49)

### **4.2.3 Concrete nouns**

Concrete nouns (see Table 4.6) occur in both singular and plural constructions. The plural of these nouns is formed by the addition of the plural clitic *=ahay* within the noun phrase, following the head noun (further discussed in Section 5.1). Concrete nouns can also take numerals.

### **4.2.4 Mass nouns**

Mass nouns (shown in Table 4.7.) are non-countable — the singular form refers to a collective or a mass, e.g. *yam* 'water.' These nouns, when pluralised, refer to different kinds or varieties of that noun referent. These nouns cannot take numerals but they can be quantified (see Section 3.3.4).

### **4.2.5 Abstract nouns**

Abstract nouns are ideas or concepts and as such they are not "singular" or "plural." In Moloko they do not take *=ahay,* e.g., *fama* 'intelligence, cleverness,' *slərele* 'work.' Although they cannot be pluralised, they can be quantified (see Section 3.3.4).

<sup>7</sup>Bow (1997c) considered the plural marker to be an affix.

### 4.2 Morphological structure of the noun word


Table 4.6: Concrete noun plural

*<sup>a</sup>*Resyllabification occurs with the addition of plural marker. It is the same resyllabification that occurs at the phrase level (Section 2.5.2).

Table 4.7: Mass noun plural


### 4 Noun morphology

### **4.2.6 Irregular nouns**

Three nouns, all of which refer to basic categories of human beings, have irregular plural forms in that the noun changes in some way when it is pluralised. The singular and plural forms for these nouns are shown in Table 4.8. For *hor* 'woman' and *zar* 'man,' the plural forms resemble the singular but involve insertion of the consonant *w* (*hawər* and *zawər*, respectively). For *war* 'child' the plural form is completely suppletive (*babəza*). For each of these three items, there is an alternate plural form which is formed by reduplicating the entire plural root. This alternate form is interchangeable with the corresponding irregular plural form.


Table 4.8: Irregular noun plurals

### **4.3 Compounding**

In a language like Moloko where words meld together in normal speech, real compounds are difficult to identify, since two separate nouns can occur together juxtaposed within a noun phrase without a connecting particle (see Section 5.4.2). In general, if what might seem to be a compound phonologically can be analysed as separate words in a productive syntactic construction, we interpret them as such. We have found some genuine compound noun stems in Moloko, and proper names are often lexicalised compounds that in terms of their internal structure are structurally like phrases or clauses (Section 4.4).

The grammatical and phonological criteria used to identify a compound are fourfold:


### 4.3 Compounding


Table 4.9 shows several compounds made from *ele* 'thing,' placed both before and after another root. The compounds in the table illustrate that compounds can be made from a noun plus another noun root (lines 1–3), or a noun plus a verb root (line 4). Note that when *ele* 'thing' is the leftmost root in a compound (lines 1– 2), *ele* loses its own palatalisation prosody, an indication that the roots comprise a phonological compound. When it is the rightmost root in the compound, its palatalisation prosody spreads leftwards, affecting the whole word.


Table 4.9: Compounds made with *ele* 'thing'

Table 4.10 shows two compounds made with *ma* 'mouth' or 'language.'

A more complex example is *ayva* 'inside-house.' It could be analysed as /*a hay ava*/ 'at house in'; however it distributes not as a locative adpositional phrase, but rather as a noun, in that it can be possessed (25) and it can be subject of the verb /s/ 'want' (26).

(25) Atərava ayva ahan.

a-tər=ava 3s-enter=in ajva inside house =ahaŋ =3s.poss 'He goes into his house.'

### 4 Noun morphology


Table 4.10: Compounds made with ma

(26) Asan ayva bay.

a-s=aŋ 3s-please=3s.io ajva inside house baj neg

'He doesn't want [to go] inside the house.' (lit. the inside of the house does not please him)

### **4.4 Proper Names**

Moloko proper nouns (names of people, tribes, and places) can be morphologically simple but often are compounds. In the case of names for people, the names often indicate something that happened around the time of the baby's birth. Names can also be compounds that encode proverbs. Thus, proper names can be simple nouns, compounds, prepositional phrases, verbs, or complete clauses. Table 4.11. illustrates some proper names that are compounds, and shows the components of the name where necessary. Lines 1–5 show simple proper names and lines 6–11 show proper names that are compounds.

Twins are usually given special names according to their birth order, *Masay* 'first twin,' *Aləwa* 'second twin.' A single child after a twin birth is named *Aban*.


Table 4.11: Proper names

## **5 Noun phrase**

Moloko, an SVO language, has head initial noun phrases. (1–4) show a few examples of noun phrases. A noun (*nafat* 'day' and *ləhe* 'bush' in 1), multiple nouns (*war elé háy* 'millet grain' in 3 and *war dalay* 'girl' in 4) or free pronoun (*ne* 1s 2) is the head of the NP. In the examples in this chapter, the noun phrases are delimited by square brackets.<sup>1</sup>


In this chapter, noun phrase modifiers and the order of constituents are discussed (Section 5.1), using simple noun heads as examples. Then, noun heads are discussed (Section 5.2). Next, derived adjectives are discussed, which consist of a

<sup>1</sup>The first line in each example is the orthographic form. The second is the phonetic form (slow speech) with morpheme breaks.

### 5 Noun phrase

noun plus the adjectiviser (Section 5.3). After that, four kinds of noun plus noun constructions are discussed, the genitive construction (Section 5.4.1), the permanent attribution construction (Section 5.4.2), relative clauses (Section 5.4.3), and coordinated noun phrases (Section 5.5). Finally, adpositional phrases are treated in Section 5.6.

Some things one might expect to see in a noun phrase are not found in Moloko noun phrases, but are accomplished by other constructions. For example, some attributions are expressed at the clause level using an intransitive clause (see Section 9.2.4.2) or transitive verb with indirect object (see Section 9.2.3), and comparison is done through an oblique construction (see Section 5.6.1).

### **5.1 Noun phrase constituents**

A noun head can be modified syntactically by the addition of other full-word or clitic elements. In the examples which follow, the noun phrases are delimited by square brackets. Examples are given in pairs, where the noun phrase in the first of each pair is the direct object of the verb. In the second example of each pair, the noun phrase is the predicate in a predicate nominal construction (see Section 10.1.2). Note that most of the predicate nominal constructions require the presupposition marker *na* (Chapter 11). The constituents being illustrated are bolded in each example.

A noun modified by the plural marker (5–6) (see Section 4.2.2).


A noun modified by a possessive pronoun (7–8) (see Section 3.1.2).

(7) Nə́mənjar [awak **əwla**]. nə́-mənzar 1s+ifv-see [awak**=uwla**] goat=1s.poss 'I see my goat.'

### 5.1 Noun phrase constituents

(8) [Awak **əwla** na], [səlom ga]. [awak**=uwla** goat=1s.poss na] psp [sʊlɔm good ga] adj 'My goat [is] good.'

A noun modified by an unspecified pronoun (9–10) (see Section 3.1.5).


A noun modified by a numeral (11–12) (see Section 3.3).


A noun modified by a derived adjective (13–14) (see Section 5.3).


### 5 Noun phrase

A noun modified by a demonstrative (15–16) (see Section 3.2).


A noun modified by a relative clause (17–18) (see Section 5.4.3).


A noun modified by a non-numeral quantifier (19–20) (see Section 3.3.4).


A noun modified by a numeral and the adjectiviser *ga* (21–22).

(21) Nə́mənjar [awak ahay məfaɗ **ga**]. nə́-mənzar 1s+ifv-see [awak=ahaj goat=Pl mʊfaɗ four **ga**] adj 'I see the four goats.'

5.1 Noun phrase constituents

(22) [Awak ahay məfaɗ **ga**], [səlom ahay ga]. [awak=ahaj goat=Pl mʊfaɗ four **ga**] adj [sʊlɔm=ahaj good=Pl ga] adj 'The four goats [are] good.'

The constituent order is shown in Figure 5.1, followed by illustrative examples (23–30). Not all constituents can co-occur in the same clause. There are restrictions on how complex a noun phrase can normally become. Restrictions include the fact that that quantifiers cannot co-occur in the same noun phrase as either derived adjectives or numerals. The order of relative clause and demonstrative does not appear to be strict. Note that nominal demonstratives are in a different position than local adverbial demonstratives.

**head** possessive plural numeral relative nominal quantifier adj local adverbial **noun** clause demonstrative demonstrative

Figure 5.1: Structure of the Moloko noun phrase

Modification by possessive pronoun and plural marker (23–24).


Modification by nominal demonstrative, relative clause, and plural marker (25– 26).

(25) Nə́mənjar [awak ahay ngəndəye [nok aməvəlaw]]. nə́-mənzar 1s+ifv-see [awak=ahaj goat=Pl ŋgɪndijɛ dem [nɔkʷ 2s amə-vəl=aw]] dep-give=1s.io 'I see those goats that you gave me.'

### 5 Noun phrase

(26) [Awak əwla ahay [nok aməvəlaw] ngəndəye na], [səlom ahay ga]. [awak=uwla=ahaj goat=1s.poss=Pl [nɔkʷ 2s amə-vəl=aw] dep-give=1s.io ŋgɪndijɛ dem na] psp [sʊlɔm=ahaj good=Pl ga] adj 'Those goats of mine that you gave me [are] good.'

Modification by quantifier, relative clause, and plural marker (27–28).


Modification by quantifier, nominal demonstrative, and plural marker (29–30).


### **5.2 Noun phrase heads**

Noun phrases can have a head that is either a simple noun (31), nominalised verb (32, Section 5.2.1), or a pronoun (33, Section 5.2.2). In the examples, the noun phrases are delimited by square brackets and the head is bolded.

5.2 Noun phrase heads


### **5.2.1 Noun phrases with nominalised verb heads**

When the head noun is a nominalised verb, the other elements in the noun phrase represent clausal arguments of the nominalised verb. The modifying noun represents the direct object Theme of the nominalised verb and the possessive pronoun or noun in a modifying genitive construction represents the subject of the verb. In (34), the noun modifier *ɗaf* 'millet loaf' represents the direct object of the nominalised verb *məzəme* 'eating' and the 3p possessive pronoun *ata* represents the subject of the nominalised verb, i.e., 'they are eating millet loaf.'

(34) A [məzəme ɗaf ata] ava na, tázlapay bay.

a [mɪ-ʒʊm-ɛ ɗaf=atəta] ava na tá-ɮap-aj baj

at nom-eat-cl millet loaf=3p.poss in psp 3p+ifv-talk-cl neg 'While eating (lit. in the eating of their millet loaf), they don't talk to

each other.'

In (35), *məndəye ango* literally 'your lying down' indicates that 'you are lying.' The possessive pronoun *ango* is the subject of the nominalised verb *məndəye*. In (36), both subject and direct object of the nominalised verb are present. *Mana*, the noun in the genitive construction (see Section 5.4.1) codes the subject of the nominalised verb and the 'body-part' verbal extension *va* is the direct object, i.e., 'Mana is resting his body.'

### 5 Noun phrase


### **5.2.2 Noun phrases with pronoun heads**

A free pronoun head is more limited in the number of modifiers that it can take than a lexical noun head. A pronoun head can only be modified by the adjectiviser (37–38) or possessive pronoun in emphatic situations (39–40) (see Section 3.1.1.2). Noun phrases with pronoun heads can not be modified by plural, number, demonstrative, adjective, or relative clause.<sup>2</sup> The pronoun heads are bolded in the examples.


<sup>2</sup> Pronouns can be the subject of a relative clause, see (17) and Section 5.4.3.

5.3 Derived adjectives

(40) [**Ne ahan**] nólo a kosoko ava. [**nɛ=ahaŋ**] 1s=3s.poss nɔ́-lɔ 1s+ifv-go a at kɔsɔkʷɔ market ava in 'I myself am going to the market.'

### **5.3 Derived adjectives**

All adjectives in Moloko are derived from nouns – there is no separate grammatical class of adjectives.<sup>3</sup> Adjectives are derived from nouns by a very productive process in which the morpheme *ga* follows the noun. Table 5.1. illustrates this process for simple nouns.


Table 5.1: Derived adjectives

*<sup>a</sup>*An idiom.

Nominalised verbs (see Section 7.6) can be further derived into adjectives by the adjectiviser. The process is illustrated in Table 5.2.

### **5.3.1 Structure of noun phrase containing** *ga*

*Ga* is the final element of a noun phrase. Examples show the adjectivised nouns in complete clauses. In the examples in this section, the adjectiviser *ga* is bolded and

<sup>3</sup>There are no comparative adjectives in Moloko – comparison is done by means of a clause construction using a prepositional phrase described in Section 5.6.1.

### 5 Noun phrase


Table 5.2: Adjectives derived from nominalised verbs

the whole noun phrase construction including *ga* is delimited by square brackets.


We consider that the adjectiviser is a separate phonological word with semantic scope over the preceding noun phrase.<sup>4</sup> The adjectiviser maintains its position at the right edge of a noun phrase regardless of the noun phrase components (44– 49). This fact indicates that it might be a clitic. However, we find no undisputable evidence that it is phonologically bound to the noun. Example (42) shows nounfinal changes /n/ → [ŋ] before *ga*. These changes might be due to assimilation of

<sup>4</sup>Bow (1997c) called this morpheme a noun affix. Also, for simple adjectivised noun constructions, speakers consider the adjectiviser to be part of the same word as the noun that is modified. However, in the absence of evidence for phonological bondedness, we consider *ga* to be a separate phonological word.

### 5.3 Derived adjectives

/n/ to point of articulation of /g/ within a word (see Section 2.2). However, the same change would occur at a word break, with word-final changes to /n/ (see Section 2.2.4 and Section 2.6.1.2).<sup>5</sup> Also, the prosody of *ga* does not neutralise any prosody on the word to which it is bound.

(44) Tákəwala [kəra mətece elé **ga.**] tá-kuw=ala [kəra mɪ-tɛtʃ-ɛ ɛlɛ

> 3p+ifv-seek=to dog nom-close-cl eye adj

'They look for a puppy that hasn't opened its eyes yet.' (lit. a dog closing eyes)

**ga**]

(45) Values, S. 47

Ləme Məloko ahay na, nəmbəɗom a dəray ava na, lɪmɛ 1Pex Mʊlɔkʷɔ=ahaj Moloko=Pl na psp nə̀-mbʊɗ-ɔm 1s+pfv-change-1Pex a at dəraj head ava in na psp 'We the Moloko, we have become' (lit. we the Moloko, we have changed in the head [to be]) ka [kərkaɗaw ahay nə hərgov ahay **ga**] a ɓərzlan ava na.

ka like [kərkaɗaw=ahaj monkey=Pl nə with hʊrgʷɔv=ahaj baboon=Pl **ga**] adj a at ɓərɮaŋ mountain ava in na psp 'like the monkeys and baboons in the mountains'

When the head noun in a phrase that contains the adjectiviser *ga* is pluralised, both the head noun and the noun modifier are pluralised as well. Compare the singular noun phrase in (46) with the pluralised noun phrase in (47) where both the head noun and adjective are pluralised. The same pattern of pluralisation is shown in (48–49). Note that the plural is not becoming individually 'adjectivised.' but rather the entire noun phrase is adjectivised. Note also that the adjectiviser always maintains its position at the right edge of the noun phrase.

<sup>5</sup>We have not no examples of word-final alterations of /h/ before *ga.*

### 5 Noun phrase


Derived adjectives can be negated by following them with the negative *bay*.


5.3 Derived adjectives

### **5.3.2 Functions of noun phrases containing** *ga*

The morpheme *ga* has two other functions besides adjectiviser.<sup>6</sup> *Ga* can also function as a discourse demonstrative to make the noun definite and even sometimes emphatic. Its function to render a pronoun emphatic is discussed in Section 3.1.1.2. A set of examples from the Cicada story illustrates the discourse function. Examples (52–54) are from lines 5, 12 and 18 respectively (the Cicada story is found in its entirety in Section 1.6). The first mention in the narrative of *agwazla* 'tree of a particular species' is shown in (52). The tree is introduced as *agwazla malan ga* 'a large tree.' Later on in the narrative, the particular tree that was found is mentioned again (53 and 54). In these occurrences however, the tree is not modified by an adjective, but the noun is simply marked by *ga* (*agwazla ga* 'this tree of a particular species' in 53 and *memele ga* 'the tree' in 54). In these last two examples, *ga* indicates that 'tree' is referring to the particular tree previously mentioned in the discourse.

(52) Cicada, S. 5

Təlo tənjakay [agwazla malan **ga**] a ləhe. tə̀-lɔ 3p+pfv-go tə̀-njak-aj 3p+pfv-find-cl [agʷaɮa spp. of tree malaŋ largeness **ga**] adj a at lɪhɛ bush 'They went and found a large tree (a particular species) in the bush.'

(53) Cicada, S. 14 [Agwazla **ga**] səlom ga aɓəsay ava bay. [agʷaɮa spp.of.tree **ga**] adj sʊlɔm goodness ga adj aɓəsaj blemish ava ext baj neg 'This tree is good; it has no faults.'

(54) Cicada, S. 20

Náamənjar na alay [memele **ga** ndana] əwɗɛ. náá-mənzar 1s+pot-see na=alaj 3s.do=away [mɛmɛlɛ tree **ga** adj ndana] dem uwɗɛ first 'First I want to see this tree that you spoke of.'

In another story about a reconciliation ceremony between two warring parties (the Moloko and the Mbuko), the ceremony requires the cutting in two of

<sup>6</sup>These two functions for *ga* do not indicate homophones. We interpret all cases of *ga* as the same morpheme since all instances pattern in exactly the same way even when their function is different. We conclude that the same morpheme is functioning at the noun phrase level as an adjectiviser and at the discourse level in definiteness and emphasis.

### 5 Noun phrase

a puppy. Which side received which part was a key element to the outcome of the ceremony. In the text, the first mention of *dəray* 'the head' (55) is marked with *ga* – it is an expected part of the narrative frame. When the outcome of the ceremony revealed that the Moloko got the head part (and so 'won' the contest) and the Mbuko received the hind parts, both are adjectivised: *dəray ga* 'the head' and *mətenen ga* 'the hindparts' (56). Note that (56) consists of two predicate possessive verbless clauses (see Section 10.1.2), each with a predicate that is an adjectivised noun.


Compare (57) and (58) (from lines 1 and 39, respectively of the Disobedient Girl story; shown in its entirety in Section 1.5). The noun *bamba* 'story,' when first mentioned in the introduction of the story (57) is not adjectivised. When the same noun is mentioned again in the conclusion (58), it is adjectivised *ma bamba ga* 'the story.'


In the Cows in the Field story (not illustrated in this work) *ga* is used to mark the five brothers (previously mentioned) whose field was damaged and who had

### 5.3 Derived adjectives

to go to the police to resolve the problem (59 and 60), and the problem (*ma ga* 'that word') that developed when they couldn't find justice (61 and 62).

	- a to Kʊdʊmbɔr Tokembere

'The four brothers, they were driving the cows to Tokembere.'


The emphatic function of *ga*<sup>7</sup> mentioned above is even more obvious in the Values exhortation (see Section 1.7). Line 7 in the Values exhortation, shown in (63), alludes to the commandments that *Hərmbəlom awacala kə okor aka* 'God wrote on the stone,' and line 12 (64) exhorts the hearer *kóogəsok ma Hərmbəlom* 'you should accept the word of God.' Further in the text, the mention of *anga Hərmbəlom ga* 'the very [word] of God himself' (65 from line 28) draws attention to the fact that the people don't accept what God himself wrote on the stone tablets. This time, the marker *ga* has an emphatic function.

<sup>7</sup>The emphatic function of *ga* is discussed with respect to pronouns in Section 3.1.1.2.

### 5 Noun phrase

(63) Values, S. 7 Hərmbəlom awacala kə okor aka. Hʊrmbʊlɔm God à-wats=ala 3s+pfv-write=to kə on ɔkʷɔr stone aka on 'God wrote them on the stone [tablet].'

### (64) Values, S. 12

Yawa nde ele nehe ɗəw, kóogəsok ma Hərmbəlom. jawa well ndɛ so ɛlɛ thing nɛhɛ dem ɗuw also kɔ́ɔ́-gʷʊs-ɔkʷ 2s+pot-catch-2p ma word Hʊrmbʊlɔm God 'So, this thing here, you should accept the word of God.'

(65) Values, S. 28 [Anga Hərmbəlom **ga**] kagas asabay. [aŋga poss Hʊrmbʊlɔm God **ga**] adj kà-gas 2s+pfv-catch asa-baj again-neg 'The very [word] of God himself you no longer accept.'

### **5.4 Nouns as modifiers**

There are three types of constructions where nouns figure in the modification of another head noun in Moloko. They are:


5.4 Nouns as modifiers

(68) [war [aməgəye cəɗoy] akaray zana aloko apazan. [war child [amɪ-g-ijɛ dep-do-cl tsʊɗoj] wickedness à-kar-aj 3s+pfv-steal-cl zana=alɔkʷɔ clothes=1Pin apazaŋ yesterday 'The child that did wickedness stole our clothes yesterday.'

### **5.4.1 Genitive construction**

The genitive construction follows the head noun in a noun phrase. The genitive noun phrase consists of the genitive particle *a* plus a noun phrase expressing the possessor (69 and 70).


Bow (1997c) remarks that the particle *a* appears to carry the tone HL, with a floating L.<sup>8</sup> She demonstrates in (71) that the floating low tone lowers the high tone of the noun (*háy*) to become M.

(71) [ɗāf] + [á] + [háj] *→* [ɗə̄f á hāj] 'loaf' gen 'millet' 'millet loaf'

Also, the genitive particle will elide with any word-final vowel in a previous word; likewise it will elide with a vowel at the beginning of the following word. In any case, the tone effects remain.

In a genitive construction, the relationship of the genitive noun phrase to the head noun is a temporary attribute of or relationship to the head.<sup>9</sup> The semantic relationship between head noun and genitive expresses the same range of semantic notions as the possessive pronoun (see Section 3.1.2.1). In the examples below, the genitive construction expresses ownership (both alienable and inalienable, 72), kinship (73), partitive (74), and other looser associations (75–77). When applicable, a corresponding pronominal possessive construction is also given for comparison.

<sup>8</sup>Note that the genitive particle *a* and the adposition *a* (Sections 5.6.1 and 5.6.2) are homophones. <sup>9</sup>As compared with the permanent attribution construction Section 5.4.2.

### 5 Noun phrase


There are several idioms or figurative expressions in Moloko which involve genitive constructions where the head noun in the noun phrase is a body part such as *ma* 'mouth' (78–80) or *hoɗ* 'stomach' (81).

(78) [ma [a gəver]] [ma mouth [a gen gɪvɛr]] liver 'gall bladder'

<sup>10</sup>'The house I made' requires a relative clause: [*hay* [*əwla amə-her-e =va* ]] 'house mine to build.'

5.4 Nouns as modifiers


All other modifiers in a genitive construction will modify the genitive noun and not the head noun. In (82), the possessive modifies the genitive noun (my wife) and not the head noun (i.e., not 'my bride price'). Likewise in (83), the demonstrative modifies the genitive noun ('this woman') and not the head noun (i.e., not 'this bride price'). In (84), it is the genitive noun 'animals' that is pluralised and modified by 'all', not the head noun 'chief.'


dzijga]]

all

'He came back as the chief of all his animals in the village.'

### 5 Noun phrase

### **5.4.2 Permanent attribution construction**

In a 'permanent attribution construction,' the noun phrase has a head composed of two (or even three) nouns, which acts as a unit within a larger noun phrase (85– 91). The nouns in a permanent attribution construction do not comprise a compound made of phonologically bound words, but are separate words (prosodies do not spread from one noun to the other, (87), (88), (91), and there are word-final changes in the first noun). Semantically, the second noun in the noun phrase indicates something about the identity of the first noun or gives a permanent attribute of the head noun.<sup>11</sup> The glosses in each of the examples below confirm this observation.


'thief' (someone who makes his living from stealing)


<sup>11</sup>As compared with the genitive construction which gives a more temporary attribute Section 5.4.1.

5.4 Nouns as modifiers


'a man who is known as someone who works hard'

In a noun phrase with the permanent attribution construction as its head noun, other elements in the noun phrase modify the entire head (and not just one of the nouns in the construction, as is the case for the genitive construction, see Section 5.4.1). In (92), the plural and the numeral modify the head noun *ndam slərele* and the sense is 'his three workmen,' not 'the man of his three works.' In (93), the noun phrase has a triple noun head, *war elé háy* 'millet grain.' In this noun phrase, the derived adjective *bəlen ga* 'one,' the demonstrative *nendəye* 'that,' and the relative clause *nok ameze* 'the one that you brought' all modify the triple noun head *war elé háy* 'millet grain.' They do not just modify the noun *war* 'child' or *háy* 'millet.' In the examples below, the noun phrase is delimited by square brackets and the permanent attribution construction is bolded.


[**War elé háy** bəlen ga nendəye nok ameze na], [**war** child **ɛlɛ** eye **haj** millet bɪlɛŋ one ga adj nɛndijɛ dem nɔkʷ 2s amɛ-ʒɛɗ-ɛ] dep-take-cl na psp 'That one grain of millet that you took,'

káhaya na kə ver aka. ká-h=aja 2s+ifv-grind=plu na 3s.do kə on vɛr grinding stone aka on 'you should grind it on the grinding stone.'

It is interesting that when dependent and nominalised clauses (see Section 7.6 and Section 7.7) are within permanent attribution and genitive constructions, the

### 5 Noun phrase

same modal differences seen in Section 12.1.1 still apply. The nominalised form of the verb functions to give a particular situation a finished idea, with an event that has been accomplished before the point of reference, almost as a state. In contrast, the dependent form of the verb is employed in situations which have an incomplete idea, one that is not yet achieved. Compare (94) and (95). Example (94) refers to someone whose identity is a shepherd – he is a man who makes his living caring for sheep or other animals. He probably is hired. This more permanent identity or state is expressed through the nominalised form of the verb in a permanent attribution construction. In contrast, (95) (a relative clause, see Section 5.4.3) reflects a man who cares for sheep but being a shepherd isn't his identity – he has sheep now but may not always have them. It is an incomplete or not completely realised situation expressed through the dependent form of the verb (a relative clause, but similar to the genitive).

(94) zar məjəgwere zar man mɪ-dʒɪgʷɛr-ɛ nom-shepherd-cl 'a shepherd-man' (lit. man shepherding)

(95) məze aməjəgwere təmak mɪʒɛ person amɪ-dʒɪgʷɛr-ɛ dep-shepherd-cl təmak sheep 'a person that cares for sheep' (lit. person to care for sheep)

Likewise, compare (96) and (97). In (96), the dependent verb form is used to give the idea that the person has stolen something from someone, perhaps only once in his life (a non-permanent attribution). In contrast, the permanent attribution construction in (97) <sup>12</sup> expresses that the man is a thief by identity or occupation – he steals to make his living. Another nominalised form is shown in (98) and the form *məze məkəre ga* 'person thefted' expresses a completed event. In this case, use of the adjectivised form indicates that the noun phrase head *məze* 'person' is the person who experienced the theft.

(96) məze aməkəre məze mɪʒɛ person amɪ-kɪr-ɛ dep-steal-cl mɪʒɛ person 'the person that steals' (lit. person to steal from person)

<sup>12</sup>*Akar* is the irregular nominalised form of the verb *karay* (see Section 4.2).

5.4 Nouns as modifiers


### **5.4.3 Relative clauses**

Relative clauses are one of the final elements in a noun phrase. The structure of relative clauses in Moloko is shown in Figure 5.2. and consists of a pronoun (when necessary), a verb in dependent form (see Section 7.7) and a complement. A relative clause has no pronoun when the head of the relative clause is the subject of the relative clause. If the head of the relative clause has a grammatical role other than subject, then a pronoun is used.


Figure 5.2: Structure of relative clause

The head noun of the relative clause can be either the subject or the direct object of the relative clause. When the head noun is the subject of the relative clause (99–102), there is a gap for subject in the relative clause (marked by Ø in the examples). For example, the understood subject of the relative clause in (99) is the same as *war dalay* 'the girl' in the noun phrase. In the example, the Ø is a zero marking where the subject of the clause would otherwise be. There is a gap for subject because the subject of the relative clause is the same as the head of the noun phrase that is being modified. The relative clause is bolded and the noun phrase is delimited by square brackets in the examples in this section.

(99) Disobedient Girl, S. 38

Metesle anga [war dalay ngendəye **amazata aka ala** mɛtɛɬɛ curse aŋga poss [war child dalaj girl ŋgɛndijɛ dem **Ø ama-z=ata=aka=ala** dep-bring=3p.io=on=to 'The curse [is] belonging to that girl, (the one) who had brought' 5 Noun phrase

> **avəya nengehe ana məze ahay na**]. **avija** suffering **nɛŋgɛhɛ** dem **ana** dat **mɪʒɛ=ahaj** person=Pl **na**] psp 'this suffering to the people.'

(100) [Ləkwəye hawər ahay na, **amanday a hay a zawər ahay ava**], [lʊkʷøjɛ 2p hawər women =ahaj =Pl na psp **Ø ama-ndaj** dep-prog **a** at **haj** house **a** gen **zawər=ahaj** men=Pl **ava**] in 'You women, the ones that are living at your husband's house,

> səy kogəsom ma a zawər aləkwəye ahay. sij only kɔ-gʊs-ɔm 2-catch-2p ma mouth a gen zawər=alʊkʷøjɛ=ahaj men=2p.poss=Pl 'you must listen to your husbands.'

(101) Disobedient Girl, S. 33

Hərmbəlom ága ɓərav va kəwaya Hʊrmbʊlɔm God á-g-a 3s+ifv-do-cl ɓərav heart =va =prf kuwaja because of

'God had gotten angry because of '

[war dalay na **amecen sləmay bay** ngəndəye]. [war child dalaj girl na psp **Ø amɛ-tʃɛŋ** dep-hear **ɬəmaj** ear **baj** neg ŋgɪndijɛ] dem 'that girl, that one that was disobedient.'

(102) Nde [ləbara əwla ga **amətaraləkwəye ma**] nehe. ndɛ so [ləbara news =uwla =1s.poss ga adj **Ø amə-tar=alʊkʷøjɛ** dep-call=2p.io **ma**] mouth nɛhɛ dem 'So, this is my news that I have called you together (to hear).' (lit. So, my news which called mouth to you [is] this here)

When the head noun is the direct object of the relative clause, the relative clause must contain a subject pronoun. The pronoun must be inserted before the verb in the relative clause (103–105). It is interesting that this subject pronoun of the relative clause is sometimes a free pronoun (104, 105, 109, see Section 3.1.1) but in other cases is a possessive pronoun (103, see Section 3.1.2). Two examples from the same narrative<sup>13</sup> (103 and 104) use different pronouns for the subject of

<sup>13</sup>The entire narrative is not included in this work.

### 5.4 Nouns as modifiers

the relative clause. While (103) uses the 3p possessive pronoun *ata*, (104) uses the free pronoun *təta*. In some cases, the relative clause will contain the direct object pronominal *na* following the dependent verb. The do pronominal represents the noun phrase head. In the examples below, the direct object pronominal *na* is underlined. A gap for the direct object in the relative clause (104 and 109) is indicated by Ø.


3p+pfv-go

'To the place of the house that they made in the market, they went.'

(105) [War háy ngəndəye **nok ameze na va**] bəlen ngəndəye na, [war child haj millet ŋgɪndijɛ dem **nɔkʷ** 2s **amɛ-ʒ-ɛ** dep-take-cl **na=va**] 3s.do=prf bɪlɛŋ one ŋgɪndijɛ dem na psp 'That grain that you have taken, that one [grain],'

káahaya kə ver aka. káá-h=aja 2s+pot-grind=plu kə on vɛr grinding stone aka on 'grind it on the grinding stone.'

(106) is more complex since the subject of the relative clause includes the speaker along with the head of the noun phrase (*məze enen ahay* 'some other people'). The relative clause begins with the 1Pex pronoun *ləme*. The speaker brought food to those people who helped him to drive the cows.

(106) Dəyday anga fat amədeɗe va nə́ngala a mogom dijdaj id:approximately aŋga poss fat sun amɪ-dɛɗ-ɛ dep-fall-cl =va =prf nə́-ŋg=ala 1s+ifv-return=to a at mɔgʷɔm home

'At sunset, I went home' (lit. [it was] approximately [time] belonging to the sun which already fell, I returned home)

### 5 Noun phrase

waya amazata ala ɗaf ana waja because ama-z=ata=ala dep-take=3p.io=to ɗaf millet.loaf ana dat 'to bring food for ' (lit. because to bring food to)

[məze enen ahay **ləme aməngele alay sla ahay jəyga na**]. [mɪʒɛ person ɛnɛŋ=ahaj another=Pl **lɪmɛ** 1Pex **amɪ-ŋgɛl-ɛ=alaj** dep-return-cl=away **ɬa=ahaj** cow=Pl **dʒijga** all **na**] psp 'all the people that drove the cows [to Tokembere].' (lit. some other people we the ones returning all cows)

In all of the above examples, the head noun can be modified by other modifiers in addition to the relative clause. Sometimes, however, the relative clause itself is the entire noun phrase (107–108). These noun phrases that consist of relative clauses take no other noun phrase modifiers. Also, they are apparently limited in the type of clause construction in which they can occur. They can only be the predicate of a larger predicate nominal construction (see Section 10.1.2). Examples (107) and (108) are interrogative constructions with a predicate nominal structure (see Section 10.3.1). We found no natural examples where a headless relative clause served as a matrix component in a matrix verbal clause. Example (108) is an emphatic construction (see Section 10.3.5).

(107) [**Aməzəɗe dəray na**] way? [**Ø amɪ-ʒɪɗ-ɛ** dep-carry-cl **dəraj** head **na**] psp waj who 'Who will win?' (lit. the one to carry the head, who?)

(108) Snake, S. 7 Alma [**amədəvala okfom nehe**] may? alma what [**amə-dəv=ala** dep-fall=to **ɔkʷfɔm** mouse **nɛhɛ**] dem maj what 'What made that mouse fall?' (lit. what to fall this mouse, what?)

Noun phrases with relative clauses can get quite complicated in Moloko even though they only occur in specific places in discourse. In (109), there are two relative clauses together, both modifying the head noun *ɛlɛ* 'thing.' In the first (*ne amahan* the thing 'that I told her') the head of the noun phrase corresponds to the direct object of the verb in the relative clause (marked as Ø in the example). In the second (*aməjəye mege bay* the thing 'that I said she should not do') there is

### 5.4 Nouns as modifiers

an embedded complement clause within the relative clause (delimited by lines). In this second relative clause, the element that corresponds to the head of the noun phrase is represented by Ø within the complement clause.

(109) Disobedient Girl, S. 29 Agə na va à-gə 3s+pfv-do na=va 3s.do=prf 'She did it' (lit. she did it, [the thing] that I told her;) [ele **ne amahan aməjəye |mege bay| na**] esəmey. [ɛlɛ thing **nɛ** 1s **ama-h=aŋ** dep-say=3s.io **Ø amɪ-dʒ-ijɛ** dep-tell-cl |**mɛ̀-g-ɛ** 3s+hor-do-cl **Ø baj**| neg **na**] psp ɛʃɪmɛj not so 'the thing that I told her she should not do, not so?'

Plural head nouns in noun phrases containing a relative clause have so far only been noted in elicited relative clauses and their interpretation is ambiguous. In these noun phrases, speakers insert the plural *=ahay* in one of two places: the plural *=ahay* can occur immediately following the head noun, or in some instances it may follow the relative clause. The plural precedes the relative clause in (110–111).


When the plural *=ahay* occurs after the relative clause (113), exactly what is pluralised is ambiguous. The relative clause follows a singular head noun in (112). However, when the head noun is plural, the relative clause is sandwiched between the head noun and the plural marker (113). In (113), the possibilities are chief's house/ chief's houses / chiefs' house / chiefs' houses,' depending on if *ndam*, *hay*, *bahay*, or all three are pluralised. Thus, when plural forms are used in Moloko discourse, which possibility is correct must be already clear from the context.

### 5 Noun phrase

(112) Dala slərele asan dala money ɬərɛlɛ work a-s=aŋ 3s-please=3s.io

> ana [məze **aməhere hay a bahay**]. ana dat [mɪʒɛ person **Ø amɪ-hɛr-ɛ** dep-build-cl **haj** house **a** gen **bahaj**] chief 'The person (the one) that built the chief's house wants his wages (lit. work money pleases him).'

(113) Dala slərele asata

dala ɬɪrɛlɛ a-s=ata 3s-please=3p.io

money work 'Wages please'

ana [ndam **aməhere hay a bahay** ahay]. ana dat [ndam people **Ø amɪ-hɛr-ɛ** dep-build-cl **haj** house **a** gen **bahaj**=ahaj] chief=Pl 'the people that built the chief's house/ chief's houses / chiefs' house / chiefs' houses.'

The end of the relative clause is sometimes delimited by the presupposition marker *na* (see Chapter 11). (99) is repeated here as (114) (see also 104, 106, 107). *Na* indicates that the relative clause contains previously shared (or presupposed) information. *Na* also physically delineates the end of the relative clause. In (114), the presupposition marker *na* is underlined.

(114) Disobedient Girl, S. 38

Metesle anga [war dalay ngəndəye **amazata aka ala** Mɛtɛɬɛ nom-curse anga poss [war child dalaj girl ŋgəndəjɛ dem **Ø ama-z=ata=aka=ala** dep-take=3p.io=on=to 'The curse belongs to that young woman that brought'

**avəya nengehe ana məze ahay na**]. **avija** suffering **nɛŋgɛhɛ** dem **ana** dat **mɪʒɛ=ahaj** person=Pl **na**] psp 'this suffering onto the people.'

Any information inside a relative clause must be known or presupposed information expected to be shared by the hearer. Relative clauses function in two

### 5.4 Nouns as modifiers

ways. Firstly, relative clauses may specify the head noun among others. Secondly, in a narrative, relative clauses identify their content as carrying information concerning a key participant in the discourse and may allude to the moral of the story.

Consider the Disobedient Girl text (see Section 1.5 for the full narrative). The moral of the story is to instruct children (especially girls) to be obedient. There are relative clauses in S. 13 (115), S. 29 (109), S. 33 (101), and S. 38 (114). Note that all but one (115) of the relative clauses in this narrative concern the moral of the story. The Disobedient girl story involves suffering of a particular nature that was brought on by a particular girl who disobeyed specific instructions. The instructions that she disobeyed are in a relative clause within the husband's lament when he finds her (109). The disobedient girl is the head of two relative clauses at the end of the story, one citing her as the reason that God got angry (101) and the other stating that she brought suffering to the Moloko people (114). The only relative clause that does not concern information relevant to the moral of the story (115) is from a section in the narrative where the man instructs his wife on how much millet to grind. The man tells her to take one grain of millet. Then he specifies with a relative clause 'that one grain of millet you have taken.' This relative clause specifies the one grain of millet (from the other grains in the sack) that will be multiplied for them.

(115) Disobedient Girl, S. 13

Asa asok aməhaya na, asa if à-s=ɔk 3s+pfv-please=2s.io amə-h=aja dep+pfv-grind=plu na psp 'If you want to grind,' kázaɗ war elé háy bəlen. ká-zaɗ 2s+ifv-take war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one 'you take only one grain.' [War elé háy bəlen ga nəndəye **nok amezəɗe na**], [war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ dem ga adj ŋɪndijɛ dem **nɔkʷ** 2s **amɛ-ʒɪɗ-ɛ** dep-take-cl **na**] psp 'That one grain that you have taken,' Káhaya na kə ver aka. Anjaloko de pew.

ká-h=aja 2s+ifv-grind=plu na 3s.do kə on vɛr stone aka on à-nz=alɔkʷɔ 3s+pfv-suffice=1Pin dɛ enough pɛw done

'grind it on the grinding stone, and it will suffice for all of us.'

### 5 Noun phrase

Note that the relative clauses that contain information about the moral of the story are at the end of the narrative; there are no relative clauses related to the moral of the story at the beginning of the narrative – the noun phrases in S.10– S.11 (116) that introduce her and identify her as disobedient contain no relative clause.

```
(116) Disobedient Girl, S. 10–11
```
Olo azala [dalay] azla na [war dalay ndana] à-lɔ 3s+pfv-go à-z=ala 3s+pfv-take=to [dalaj] girl aɮa now na psp [war child dalaj girl ndana] dem [cezlere ga]. [tʃɛɮɛrɛ disobedience ga] adj 'He went and took a wife, but that above-mentioned girl [was] disobedient.'

In the Snake narrative (see Section 1.4), there is only one relative clause. This relative clause shows another function of relative clauses in discourse. The relative clause, *amədəvala okfom nehe* 'the thing that caused the mouse to fall' in line 7 (108), contains the first mention (albeit indirect) of the snake who is a central participant in the story and the reason that the story was told.

### **5.5 Coordinated noun phrases**

The basic way to coordinate two participants in Moloko is to join two noun phrases by the adposition *nə* 'with' (see Section 5.6.1). Modifiers will have semantic scope over both of the coordinated elements. In (117)–(119), the noun phrases are delimited by square brackets and the adpositions are bolded.

(117) Ləbara anga [[bahay a hay] **nə** [ndam slərele ahan ahay makar]]. ləbara news aŋga poss [[bahaj chief a gen haj] house **nə** with [ndam people ɬɪrɛlɛ=ahaŋ=ahaj work=3s.poss=Pl makar]]

three 'The story [is] belonging to the chief of the house with his three workmen.'

5.6 Adpositional phrase

(118) Values, S. 47 Nəmbəɗom a dəray ava na, nə̀-mbʊɗ-ɔm 1s+pfv-change-1Pex a at dəraj head ava in na psp 'We have become' (lit. we changed in the head)

> ka [[[kərkaɗaw ahay] **nə** [hərgov ahay] ga] [a ɓərzlan ava na]] ka like [[[kərkaɗaw=ahaj] monkey=Pl **nə** with [hʊrgʷɔv=ahaj] baboon=Pl ga] adj [a at ɓərɮaŋ mountain ava] in na] psp 'like monkeys and baboons in the mountain.'

(119) [[Zar] **nə** [hor ahan]] tolo a mehele ava. [[zar] man **nə** with [hʷɔr=ahaŋ]] woman=3s.poss tɔ-lɔ 3p-go a at mɛ-hɛl-ɛ nom-unite-cl ava in 'A man and his wife went to the meeting.'

### **5.6 Adpositional phrase**

Adpositional phrases function to relate noun phrases to the clause, expressing physical, grammatical, or logical relationships. Friesen & Mamalis (2008) found two types of adpositional phrases in Moloko; simple and complex. Simple adpositional phrases (Section 5.6.1) consist of an adposition followed by the noun phrase. Complex adpositional phrases (Section 5.6.2) consist of a noun phrase framed by a preposition and a postposition.

### **5.6.1 Simple adpositional phrase**

There are seven adpositions in Moloko: *a* 'to,' *ana* 'to' *nə* 'with,' *aka* 'on,' *aŋga* 'belonging to,' *afa* 'at the house of,' and *ka* 'like.'

The preposition *a* 'at'<sup>14</sup> marks the relationship of location of the event (at, to, in; 120, 121).

(120) Cicada, S. 4 Tə́nday tə́talay **a** ləhe. tə́-ndaj 3p+ifv-prg tə́-tal-aj 3p+ifv-walk-cl **a** at lɪhɛ bush 'They were walking in the bush.'

<sup>14</sup>This particle is a homophone with the genitive particle (Section 5.4.1).

5 Noun phrase

(121) Olo **a** Marva. ɔ̀-lɔ 3s+pfv-go **a** at Marva Maroua 'He/she went to Maroua.'

The adposition *ana* 'to' marks the indirect object which is the place where the action of the verb occurs; the recipient, benefactive, or malefactive (122, 123, see Section 9.2 for a discussion of semantic roles).


The adposition *nə* 'with' marks the instrument (124) or comitative (accompaniment) relation (125, 126; cf. Section 5.5). The adposition is also used to form the verb focus construction (127, see Section 7.6.3).


5.6 Adpositional phrase

(127) Nəskom awak **nə** məskwəme. nə̀-sʊkʷɔm 1s+pfv-buy/sell awak goat **nə** with mɪ-skʷøm-ɛ nom-buy/sell-cl 'I really bought the goat.' (lit. I bought the goat with buying)

The adposition *nə* 'with' also participates in forming comparative constructions in Moloko. When one noun phrase is compared with another, it is done by means of a clause construction using the verb *dal*, 'overtake.'<sup>15</sup> The standard of comparison (*baba =ahan* 'his father' in 128 and 129, and *mədəga =ahan* 'his older sibling' in 130) is the direct object of the verb. The quality being compared (*səber* 'tallness' in 128, *gədan* 'strength' in 129, and *məsəre ele* 'knowledge' in 130) follows in an adpositional phrase.


ɛlɛ

thing

'The child is smarter than his older sibling.' (lit. the child is greater than his older sibling with respect to knowledge)

No 'less than' comparatives were found in the data. Superlative constructions are possible but are not used often in Moloko culture. (131) illustrates what people say in an elicitation context.

<sup>15</sup>The verb *dal* 'overtake' takes subject prefixes and carries aspectual tone. Other constructions can be employed when comparing people (97) or ideas (line 49 in the Values exhortation).

### 5 Noun phrase

(131) Ádal məze ahay jəyga nə məsəre ele a lekwel ava. á-dal 3s+ifv-overtake mɪʒɛ=ahaj person=Pl ʣijga all nə with mɪ-ʃɪr-ɛ nom-know-cl ɛlɛ thing a at lɛkʷɛl school ava in 'He/she is the smartest child in his school.'

The adposition *aka* 'on' is used with the verb *lo* 'go' to mark the purpose of a trip (132).

(132) Aban olo **aka** yam. Abaŋ Aban ɔ-lɔ 3s-go **aka** on jam water 'Aban goes to get water.' (lit. she goes on water)

The adposition *anga* indicates possession. The predicate possessive construction is discussed in Section 10.1.2. In the possessive construction, *anga* indicates a possessive relationship between the noun in the adpositional phrase and the other noun phrase in the construction. In (133), *anga* indicates that *dəray* 'head' is possessed by *ləme* 'us.'

(133) [Dəray ga] [**anga** ləme.] [dəraj head ga] adj [**aŋga** poss lɪmɛ] 1Pex 'We got the head.' (lit. the head, belonging to us)

The adposition *afa* 'at the house of' plus a noun phrase gives a location at the house of the referent specified in the noun phrase (134).

(134) Nolo afa bahay. nʊ-lɔ 1s-go afa at.house.of bahaj chief 'I go to the chief's house.'

The adposition *ka* 'like' introduces an adverbial complement that expresses manner. *Ka* appears twice in (135). In the second instance, *ka* carries the directional extension *ala* 'towards.'

5.6 Adpositional phrase

(135) Values, S. 47 Nəmbəɗom a dəray ava na, nə̀-mbʊɗ-ɔm 1s+pfv-change-1Pex a at dəraj head ava in na psp 'We have become' (lit. changed in the head)

> [**ka** kərkaɗaw ahay nə hərgov ahay ga a ɓərzlan ava na], [**ka** like kərkaɗaw=ahaj monkey=Pl nə with hʊrgʷɔv=ahaj baboon=Pl ga adj a at ɓərɮaŋ mountain ava in na] psp 'like monkeys and baboons on the mountains,'

[**ka** ala kəra na], nəsərom dəray bay pat. [**ka**=ala like=to kəra dog na] psp nə̀-sʊr-ɔm 1+pfv-know-1Pex dəraj head baj neg pat all '[and] like dogs, we don't know anything!'

### **5.6.2 Complex adpositional phrase**

There are two complex adpositional phrases, each composed of the combination of a preposition and a postposition that surround the noun phrase. The adpositions give locational information. The first, *kə…aka* 'on' marks the noun phrase as being a location to which the event expressed by the verb is directed. It can be employed in a physical sense (136–138) or a figurative sense (139).

(136) Cicada, S. 9

Káafəɗom anaw **kə** mahay əwla **aka**. káá-fʊɗ-ɔm 2+pot-place-2p an=aw dat=1s.io **kə** on mahaj=uwla door=1s.poss **aka** on 'You should place [the tree] at my door.'


### 5 Noun phrase

(139) Hərmbəlom agə ɓərav va **ka** war anga məze dedelen ga **aka**. Hʊrmbʊlɔm God a-gə 3s-do ɓərav heart =va =prf **ka** on war child aŋga poss mɪʒɛ person dɛdɛlɛŋ black ga adj **aka** on 'God was angry with the black man's child.' (lit. God did heart on the child that belongs to the black person)

The second complex adpositional phrase, *a…ava* 'in,' the preposition and postposition surround a noun phrase to mark that noun phrase as being a physical location in which the action of the verb is directed (140 and 141).


The postpositions *aka* 'on' and *ava* 'in' have the same forms as the verb adpositional extensions =*aka* 'on' and =*ava* 'in' (see Section 7.5.1). The extensions permit the presence of the complex adpositional phrase which gives further precision concerning the location of the event (142 and 14316). In the examples, the postpositions and verbal extensions are both bolded.


<sup>16</sup>Even though the verb in this example has verbal extensions, it is not conjugated for subject since it is a climactic point in the story where nominalised forms are often found. This is discussed further in Sections 7.6 and 8.2.3.

## **6 Verb root and stem**

In addition to analysing the phonology of Moloko, Bow (1997c) studied verb morphology and also produced notes on the grammar of Moloko which were expanded by Boyd (2003); Friesen & Mamalis (2008) is an analysis of the Moloko verb and verb phrase. The next four chapters are based on Friesen & Mamalis (2008), but the data and analysis have been re-worked, reorganised, and expanded.

The verb is the centre of the clause in Moloko. It expresses the action of an event, or a situation or state. It may be the only element in a clause, or it may be accompanied by noun phrases or pronouns expressing the subject, the direct object, and the indirect object of the verb, adpositional phrases expressing location, and/or discourse markers. Ideophones (Section 3.6) figure greatly in the expression of the action, both when they function as adverbs and when they fill the verb slot in a clause.

Typical of a Chadic language, Moloko has a variety of extensions that modify the sense of the verb stem.<sup>1</sup> It has 6 extensions which specify location of the event, direction with respect to centre of reference, and the Perfect. An underspecified valence system (Chapter 9) allows variable transitivity usage for a given verb. In Moloko, valence-changing operations are not achieved through morphological modifications of the verb (for example with causative, applicative, and passive affixes). Transitivity is a clause-level property that carries a grammatical function.

Because of its complexity, the Moloko verb and verb phrase are treated in four separate chapters. We distinguish verb root, stem (both described in Chapter 6), verb word – renamed 'verb complex' for Moloko (verb stem plus affixes and extensions, Chapter 7), verb phrase (Chapter 8), and finally verb and transitivity types (Chapter 9).

<sup>1</sup>Note that the term 'extension' for Chadic languages has a different use than for Bantu languages. In Chadic languages, 'extension' refers to particles or clitics in the verb word or verb phrase.

### 6 Verb root and stem

### **6.1 The basic verb root and stem**

Bow (1997c) found that the verb root in Moloko consists of one to four consonants and perhaps a vowel. The verb root by itself never occurs in the language. In discussing the verb in Moloko it is more profitable to consider the verb stem as the most basic lexical unit. The Moloko verb stem itself is already complex. Friesen & Mamalis (2008) determined that in order to pronounce a verb stem in Moloko, a speaker needs to know the following six features:


The structural arrangement of the six features is diagrammed in Figure 6.1.

Figure 6.1: Structure of the verb stem

### **6.2 The consonantal skeleton of the root**

Moloko verb roots are like those of other Afroasiatic languages in that they are built on a consonantal skeleton. Bow (1997c) found that the verb root consists of one to four consonants, although a skeleton of two consonants is most common.<sup>2</sup> That Moloko verb roots are based on a consonantal skeleton can be evidenced by two facts, both of which are illustrated in Table 6.1. (adapted from Bow 1997c).

<sup>2</sup>Bow's database includes 26 one-consonant verbs, 231 two-consonant verbs, 83 three-consonant verbs, and 10 four-consonant verbs.

### 6.2 The consonantal skeleton of the root

Firstly, the consonants display a unique stability when the verb is inflected.<sup>3</sup> The vowels, on the other hand, change with the prosody of the inflection and whether or not the word carries stress.<sup>4</sup> Secondly, there are verb roots that consist simply of one consonant and a prosody. These have no underlying root vowel, but they will acquire their vowels in the inflections.

The underlying form of a verb stem is defined as the consonantal skeleton plus the optional presence of an underlying vowel, /-j/ suffix, and *a-* prefix, potential prosody, and tone (see Sections 6.3–6.7). In the examples in Table 6.1 and in the rest of this section, the underlying form will be given when necessary in addition to the phonetic pronunciation. The tone class is not shown.


Table 6.1: Consonantal skeleton of selected verb stems and selected word forms

*a* Irregular form with epenthetic *h* added between vowels. For complete conjugation see Appendix B. / l <sup>o</sup> / is the only single consonant verb root that is labialised.

<sup>3</sup>Note there are consonantal allophones in palatalised and labialised words.

<sup>4</sup> Since stress is phrase-final, the final syllable of these elicited examples will always carry a 'full' vowel.

### 6 Verb root and stem

Mamalis found that the underlying consonants in a verb root can most easily be identified from the 2s imperative form (Table 6.2 from Friesen & Mamalis 2008). Note that palatalisation will cause an underlying /s/ to be expressed as [ʃ] (see Section 2.2.3). The same verb stems are included as were in Table 6.1 as well as a few more. Prosody, underlying vowels (lines 12, 15), and the /-j/ suffix (lines 4-7, 15) can also be seen in the imperative form; these features will be discussed in the sections below.



The consonants in a verb stem in Moloko are remarkably constant. We have found only two irregular verbs where there are changes in the verb consonants. Firstly, the irregular verb /l<sup>o</sup> / adds an epenthetic [h] in some conjugations to break up vowels (the full conjugation of /l<sup>o</sup> / is in Appendix B). Secondly, the root-final *ɗ* of the verb /z ɗ/ 'take' drops off when affixes and clitics are added

### 6.3 Underlying suffix

(1, 2). This process does not happen with the phonologically similar verb /f ɗ/ 'put' (3, 4).

(1) /z ɗ/ =aw =ala → [zawala] take[2s.imp] =1s.io =to 'give to me' (2) /z ɗ/ =aka → [zaka] take[2s.imp] =on 'give again' (on top of what you gave before) (3) /f ɗ/ =aw =ala → [faɗuwala] put[2s.imp] =1s.io =to 'put on me' (4) /f ɗ/ =aka → [faɗaka] put[2s.imp] =on 'put again' (on top of what you put before)

### **6.3 Underlying suffix**

Moloko verb stems can be divided into two subclasses based on whether an underlying suffix is present or not. Slightly over 70% of the verb stems in Bow's (1997c) data take the suffix /-j/, which can have different surface variants depending on the prosody of the stem.

2008 found that although the /-j/ suffix appears to have no semantic value, it does allow certain consonants to be verb root final which would otherwise not be permitted.<sup>5</sup> However, for many verb stems, it appears to be at least synchronically simply a place-holding suffix that drops off whenever other suffixes or extensions are attached to the verb (compare columns 3 and 4 in Table 6.1). Examples (5) and (6) show the same verb complex with (5) and without (6) the /-j/ suffix.<sup>6</sup>

(5) Apay. a-p-aj 3s-open-cl 'It opens.'

<sup>5</sup> I.e., [*b, mb, d, nd, dz, nz, g, ŋg, gʷ, ŋgʷ, ts, w, j*]. See discussion on word-final consonants in Section 2.5.1.

<sup>6</sup>The first line in each example is the orthographic form. The second is the phonetic form (slow speech) with morpheme breaks.

### 6 Verb root and stem

(6) Apala. a-p=ala 3s-open=to 'It opens towards.'

Verb stems with the underlying suffix but no underlying (i. e. neutral) prosody take the surface suffix form [-aj]; verb stems that are labialised carry the surface form suffix [-ɔj].<sup>7</sup> With the exception of verbs with the root-final consonant /n/,<sup>8</sup> verb stems that are palatalised carry the surface form suffix [ɛ]. We interpret the [-ɛ] in palatalised verbs as the palatalised variant of the /-j/ suffix for two reasons. First, [-ɛ] patterns the same way as the /-j/ suffix (dropping off with its prosody whenever another suffix or extension is added). Second, the same rules of restriction of final stem consonants apply for palatalised verb stems as for other verb stems (see Section 2.5.1), and so the presence of [-ɛ] allows root-final consonants which would otherwise be restricted. For example, /d/ and /g/ are both not permitted as word-final consonants (Section 2.2.4), but the presence of [-ɛ] allows verbs like [d-ɛ] and [g-ɛ]. Examples from verb roots of one, two, and three consonants are shown in Table 6.3. 9

Because the suffix surfaces only word-finally, whenever the relevant verb is pronounced in isolation (and is thus phrase-final), the suffix syllable takes the phrase-final stress, necessitating a full vowel. It is therefore pronounced [aj] (see example 7) in verbs with neutral prosody, [ɔj] in labialised verb stems, and [ɛ] in palatalised verb stems). Whenever the verb is not phrase-final, the vowel drops and an epenthetic schwa occurs, rendering the pronunciation [i] for labialised and neutral prosody verbs (8) and [ɪ] for palatalised verbs.

(7) [a-paɗ-aj] 3s-crunch-cl 'It crunches.'

(8) [a-paɗ-ij ʃɛʃɛ] 3s-crunch-cl meat 'He eats meat.'

<sup>7</sup> Prosody is applied to the verb stem since the -*aj* suffix takes on the prosody of the stem (prosodies spread leftwards, Section 2.1).

<sup>8</sup> Stems ending in *n* are all palatalised, e.g., *cen* 'understand', *cəjen* 'lose', *njeren* 'groan', *mbesen* 'relax', *ndeslen* 'make cold', *ɓərzlen* 'count', *mbeten* 'put out', and *mbezen* 'spoil'. We interpret these verbs as having /n/ as final consonant because the *n* cannot be interpreted as direct or indirect object and also there are no other stems which end in *n*.

<sup>9</sup>We found no three-consonant palatalised verb stems in the data. Labialised verb stems without the /*-j*/ suffix were rare.

### 6.4 Underlying vowel in the root


Table 6.3: Stems with and without underlying suffix

Table 6.4 (adapted from Bow 1997c and Boyd 2003) illustrates the phonetic pronunciation including tone of pairs of verb stems that have the same consonantal shape but with and without the /-j/ suffix.

### **6.4 Underlying vowel in the root**

Bow (1997c) noted that no Moloko verb root has more than one underlying internal vowel and many Moloko verb roots have no underlying vowels (see Table 6.2).<sup>10</sup> The presence of an underlying internal vowel in the verb stem (if any) can be determined by studying the second plural imperative. Bow illustrates the following minimal pair. The verb stems /ts r/ 'climb' and /tsar/ 'taste good' have identical surface forms in the second person singular imperative (9–10) due to stress on the final syllable, which necessitates a full vowel. However, the presence of the underlying vowel can be seen in the second person plural imperative

<sup>10</sup>Bow 1997c, page 24. Her database of 350 verb stems has 189 with the internal vowel.


Table 6.4: Verb stems with and without /*-j*/ suffix

6.4 Underlying vowel in the root

(11–12).<sup>11</sup> The verb root for 'climb' does not have an underlying vowel, so a schwa is inserted and labialised to become [ʊ] (11). On the other hand, the verb root for 'taste good' has an internal vowel which becomes [ɔ] when labialised (12).


Table 6.5 (from Friesen & Mamalis 2008) shows several other examples. Single consonant roots have no internal vowel (line 1). Two and three-consonant roots may have no internal vowel (lines 2-4) or an internal vowel (lines 5-7). All fourconsonant roots have an internal vowel (line 8).


Table 6.5: Presence or absence of internal vowel

<sup>11</sup>The 2p imperative is formed by adding the suffix -*om* and labialisation prosody.

### 6 Verb root and stem

Bow discovered that when an underlying vowel exists in the root, it always immediately precedes the final root consonant, so possible verb roots could take the following forms (disregarding affixes): C, CC, CaC, CCC, CCaC, CCCaC. These 'full' vowels will remain full in all inflections of the verb, and will be affected by the prosodies of the forms, resulting in surface [a, ɛ, ɔ, œ]. In syllables where there are no underlying vowels, an epenthetic schwa is inserted between certain consonant clusters to facilitate pronunciation in the inflected forms. On stressed syllables, the schwa will become its full vowel counterpart (see 9).

### **6.5 Underlying prefix**

The verb stems in one class of bi-consonantal verbal stems take subject prefixes with the full vowel /a/ instead of the epenthetic schwa. Bow (1997c) called this a historical *a-* prefix on the verb stem. She reported that 83 out of 231 biconsonantal verb stems that she studied have the (now frozen) *a-* prefix. Whether a verb stem has this prefix or not can be determined from the nominalised form. Bow illustrates the presence of this prefix with the minimal pair /a-ndaw/ 'swallow' and /ndaw/ 'insult.' (13) and (14) show the nominalised form of the two verb stems.<sup>12</sup> The verb stem *məndewe* 'swallow' does not have the *a-* prefix. The verb stem *mendewe* 'insult' has the *a-* prefix (shown by the full vowel *e* in the prefix).


Bow proposed that synchronically, the *a-* prefix verb stems represent a separate class of verb stems. Table 6.6. (adapted from Bow 1997c) shows the phonetic representation of minimal pairs giving evidence of the presence of the *a-* prefix. Those with [mɛ-] in the initial syllable contain the *a-* underlying prefix; those with [mɪ-] in the initial syllable do not have the *a-* prefix.

Note that the *a-* prefix carries very little lexical weight; there appears to be no semantic reason for its presence. Contrast is lost between *a-* prefix verb forms

<sup>12</sup>The nominalised form has a *mə-* or *me-* prefix, an *-e* suffix, and is palatalised (Section 7.6).

### 6.6 Prosody of verb stem


Table 6.6: Minimal pairs showing presence of historical /a-/ prefix

*<sup>a</sup>*Note that the underlying tone of *a-* prefix verb stems is always low (see discussion in Section 6.7)

and those without the prefix in irrealis mood (see Section 7.4.3). The Potential form for the verbs /a-ndaw/ 'swallow' and /ndaw/ 'insult' are identical (15–16).


### **6.6 Prosody of verb stem**

Bow (1997c) found that in their underlying lexical form, Moloko verb stems are either labialised, palatalised, or without a prosody. The database in Appendix A shows that 83 out of 350 verb stems carry a prosody (61 are palatalised and 22 are labialised).<sup>13</sup> Although prosodies can carry predictable lexical weight in some

<sup>13</sup>The effects of labialisation and palatisation are discussed in Section 2.1. Note that there are also some morphological processes where palatalisation or labialisation is a part of the morpheme, for example, palatalisation is part of the formation of the nominalised form (Section 7.6), and labialisation is a part of the 1P and 2p subject forms Section 7.3.1.

### 6 Verb root and stem

other related languages,<sup>14</sup> in Moloko, labialisation and palatalisation carry very little lexical weight. Table 6.7 (adapted from Bow 1997c, with additional data) illustrates the phonetic pronunciation of several minimal pairs (or near minimal pairs) for prosody. There appears to be no predictable semantic connection between verb stems of differing prosodies.

The underlying labialisation and palatalisation prosodies are lost when most suffixes or clitics<sup>15</sup> are added, compare example (17) and (18) for the verb /s -j<sup>e</sup> / 'drink.'


### **6.7 Tone classes**

Bow (1997c) concluded that verb stems in Moloko belong to one of three underlying tone classes: high (H), low (L), or toneless (Ø). She discovered that the underlying tone of a verb stem can be identified by comparing the 2s imperative with the Potential form. The Potential form has a high tone on a lengthened subject prefix (see Section 7.4.3). If the tone melody of the stem is high on both imperative and Potential forms, then that stem has an underlying high tone. If the tone melody is mid or low on both forms due to the presence of depressor consonants (see Section 2.4.1), then the stem has underlying low tone. If the tone melody of the stem syllable is low in the imperative but high following the high tone of the subject prefix in the Potential form, that verb stem is toneless. The high tone of the Potential form of the subject prefix spreads to the toneless stem. For the imperative form of a toneless stem, a default low tone is applied to the stem.

<sup>14</sup>All causatives in Muyang involve the palatalisation of the root (Smith 2002). In Mbuko, the data show a correlation between palatalisation and pluractionality (Richard Gravina 2001).

<sup>15</sup>The indirect object pronominal enclitic does not always influence the verb prosody; see Section 7.3.3 and 2.6.1.3.


Table 6.7: Minimal pairs for prosody of verb stems

189

### 6 Verb root and stem

A minimal triplet is shown in Table 6.8 (from Friesen & Mamalis 2008). Line 1 shows a High tone verb stem. The tone on the verb stem is high in both the imperative and Potential forms. Line 2 shows a low tone verb stem with low tone in the imperative form and mid in the Potential form. Line 3 shows a toneless verb stem. This verb stem carries no inherent tone of its own and its surface tone is low in the imperative form and takes the high tone of the prefix in the Potential form.


Table 6.8: Tone class contrasts

Mamalis (Friesen & Mamalis 2008) studied tone patterns in Moloko verbs. Table 6.9 (adapted from Friesen & Mamalis 2008) shows the imperative and Potential forms and the underlying tone patterns for different verb stems.

Tone patterns in Moloko verbs are summarised in Table 6.10 (from Friesen & Mamalis 2008), which shows the tone pattern on the stem for the imperative and Potential forms for the three underlying tone forms. All verb stems in each class have the same pattern, as follows (note that the tone in parentheses is the tone on the /-j/ suffix, if there is one). Tone patterns are influenced by the presence of depressor consonants (see Section 6.7.1) and the underlying structure of the verb stem (see Section 6.7.2).

### **6.7.1 Effect of depressor consonants**

Bow (1997c) subdivided the low tone verb stem category phonetically into mid and low surface forms by the presence or absence of one or more of the class of consonants known as depressor consonants (see Section 2.4.1). Depressor consonants in Moloko include all voiced obstruents except implosives and nasals (i.e. [b, d, g, dz, v, ɮ, z, mb, nd, ŋg]). Bow (1997c) demonstrated that an underlyingly low tone verb with no depressors has a mid tone surface form; with depressors it has a low tone surface form. For verb stems of underlying high tone or toneless


Table 6.9: Tone patterns for selected verb stems

### 6 Verb root and stem


Table 6.10: Summary of tone patterns for the three tone classes

verb stems, the presence or absence of depressor consonants makes no difference to the surface form of the melody. Toneless verb stems take low tone as the default surface form, regardless of depressors. Table 6.11 (from Bow 1997c) shows the realisations of surface tone with and without depressor consonants for the most common verb type (underlying form /CaC/ with high tone /-j/ suffix in the 2p.imp form).

Table 6.11: Effect of depressor consonants; imperative forms


### **6.7.2 Effect of underlying form on tone of stem**

Bow (1997c) found that the components of the underlying form, particularly initial vowel and number of consonants, influence what underlying tone the root has, such that she could predict the underlying tone of certain verb stems with accuracy. Table 6.12 (from Friesen & Mamalis 2008) shows the tone of verb stems of different structures, with examples. The following three stem structures are significant with respect to tone:

6.7 Tone classes


These three categories account for about 45% of the verb stems in the database of 316 verb stems used by Mamalis (Friesen & Mamalis 2008). Only two-consonant roots with no *a-* prefix allow all underlying tone patterns (line 3 of Table 6.12).

### **6.7.2.1 Verb stems with one root consonant**

Verb stems with single consonant verb roots (the /-j/ suffix is added to produce the stem) (cf. lines 1 and 2 of Table 6.12) are never toneless.<sup>16</sup> Non-palatalised verb stems carry only low tone. Palatalised verb stems may be high or low. The two possible tonal melodies are seen in the following minimal pair (from Friesen & Mamalis 2008). Example (19) has an underlying high tone; example (20) has an underlying low tone.


Additional examples illustrating underlying stem tone in verb stems with one root consonant are given in Table 6.13 (from Friesen & Mamalis 2008). Imperative and Potential forms are given for each example. Stems with and without depressor consonants are included.

<sup>16</sup>One possible exception is /dz-j/ 'say,' which may be toneless.



6.7 Tone classes


Table 6.13: Tone patterns in stems with one root consonant

### **6.7.2.2 Verb Stems with two root consonants**

Verb stems with no *a-* prefix may be from any tone class. Table 6.15 (Friesen & Mamalis 2008) shows several examples of two consonant verbs, giving the imperative and Potential verb forms for each of the possibilities.

Table 6.14: Tone patterns in a- prefix verbs


*<sup>a</sup>*There was only one example of H tone for this structure.

### 6 Verb root and stem

Table 6.15: Tone patterns in stems with two root consonants with no aprefix


*<sup>a</sup>*No two-consonant verbs without *a-* prefix with low tone have depressor consonants. *<sup>b</sup>*Most CC roots that have high tone end in /r/.

*<sup>c</sup>*Note that these are the only structures that have no counterpart *a-* prefix forms.

6.7 Tone classes

### **6.7.2.3 Verb stems with three or more root consonants**

Bow (1997c) determined that verb stems with three (or more) root consonants (cf. lines 5 and 6 of Table 6.12) all have underlyingly low tone. The surface tone will be low or mid, depending on the presence or absence of depressor consonants. If the stem carries the /-j/ suffix, the suffix will carry mid tone. Table 6.16 (from Friesen & Mamalis 2008) shows examples of verb stems with three or more consonants in imperative and Potential form.


## **7 The verb complex**

Moloko does not have a simple verb word. Rather, Friesen & Mamalis (2008) named this structure the 'verb complex' since affixes and extensions attach to the verb stem that comprises a close phonological unit that is not always one phonological word. The verb complex may be made up of from one to three phonological words as defined by prosody spread and word-final allophones (Section 2.6.1 and Section 2.6.2).

There are two fundamental aspects of Moloko grammar that are expressed in the verb complex. The first is the concept of the point of reference. The point of reference involves both place and time. Actions in Moloko are usually placed with respect to a set locational point of reference, which in normal speech is usually the speaker. In a narrative or other discourse, the speaker can set the point of reference. Verbs are aligned with respect to the locational point of reference by means of directional verbal extensions (Section 7.5.2). These extensions determine the direction of the event with respect to the point of reference, and can be towards the speaker, away from the speaker, or back and forth. Directionals are different from adpositionals (Section 7.5.1), since adpositionals align the action with respect to other elements in the immediate context. The temporal point of reference is set in Moloko by mood and the Perfect. Mood involves what is real or not yet experienced in the world shared by the speaker and his or her audience (realis and irrealis, Section 7.4.3). The speaker and audience are, as it were, walking backwards into the future.<sup>1</sup> What has happened and is happening is 'visible' to them (realis) and they move together into the 'invisible' world behind them (irrealis). The point of reference will be the time of communication in normal speech. However, again in a narrative or other type of discourse, the speaker can set the point of reference (usually to the time the events took place). The Perfect extension is employed whenever the speaker needs to make sure that the hearer understands that an event is already completed before the point of reference, with ongoing effects to that point.

Another fundamental concept in Moloko verbs expressed in the verb complex is expectation, accomplished through mood. The realis world is the realm of the

<sup>1</sup> I first heard this image at a First Nations languages conference in Canada in 2011 to express an Indigenous view of time.

### 7 The verb complex

visible or real; it includes the past and what is present as it happens before the speaker and audience and what is shared knowledge or expectations about the world and how it works. It is presented by the speaker as being real or known – events and states that happened, are happening, or which are part of the expected 'frame' of a situation. Within the realis world, the distinctions coded in verbs are for events that are complete/accomplished (Perfective, Section 7.4.1), incomplete/unachieved (Imperfective, Section 7.4.2), in progress (Section 8.2.1), repeated (three types, Section 7.4.4, Section 7.4.5, Section 7.5.2). The irrealis world is the realm of desire and will and the unknown world of the future. Within that world, verbs in Moloko are marked as to the degree of desire and perhaps the control the speaker has over the accomplishment of the event.

There is no system of tense as such in Moloko (Friesen & Mamalis 2008).<sup>2</sup> Perfective versus Imperfective aspect is expressed through changes in the tone of the subject prefix (Section 7.4.1 and Section 7.4.2). Irrealis mood is differentiated from realis mood by vowel changes in the subject prefix (Section 7.4.3). For the imperative (Section 7.4.2), the subject prefix is absent.

The verb stem as defined in Chapter 6 can take up to two prefixes and only one suffix. Morphemes on the stem include the subject pronominal affixes (a prefix and a suffix for 1p and 2p subjects, Section 7.3.1) and an indirect object pronominal enclitic (Section 7.3.2). Two prefixes are derivational – one prefix nominalises the verb (Section 7.6) and the other subordinates the entire clause in which it occurs (Section 7.7).

Another noteworthy feature is that Moloko has three ways to indicate repeated actions. Reduplication in the root is one of the ways that pluractionals are formed in other Chadic languages (Newman 1990). Contrary to many Chadic languages, Moloko does not have a productive pluractional. Only a few verb stems take the pluractional extension (used for actions that are made up of repetitive motions, Section 7.5.2).<sup>3</sup> However, two kinds of reduplication of the verb stem in Moloko express iterative aspect. Reduplication of a consonant in the stem indicates an iterative action that is habitual (Section 7.4.4) and reduplication of the entire verb word indicates an iterative action that is intermittent (Section 7.4.5). The verbal extensions, which include locational and directional information and Perfect aspect, are also described in this chapter (Section 7.5). They and the indirect object pronominal enclitic are discussed as part of the verb complex because they form a close phonological unit with the verb stem, even though they may sometimes be part of a separate phonological word.

<sup>2</sup>Bow (1997c) considered tense and mood.

<sup>3</sup>The only stems which take the pluractional which we have so far identified are *a-h=aya* 'he/she grinds,' *a-s=əya* 'he/she cuts,' and *d=əya* 'take many'.

7.1 The phonological structure of the verb word

### **7.1 The phonological structure of the verb word**

The phonological structure of the Moloko verb word is interesting in that, although its elements can each be part of a phonological unit with the verb stem, combinations of different elements can cause the entity to be broken into up to three phonological words. Its complexity is especially located in the post-verbal elements of the verb complex. The subject prefix and verb stem are the only necessary parts of the basic inflected verb complex.<sup>4</sup> All other affixes and extensions are structurally optional and are determined by the context and the lexical requirements of the particular verb.

Friesen & Mamalis (2008) discovered that Moloko has three types of verb complexes. The first type of verb complex is one phonological word (Figure 7.1), and occurs when there is no plural suffix (see Section 7.3.1), no indirect object pronominal enclitic (see Section 7.3.2), and no direct object pronominal (see Section 7.3.3). In this case, the extensions (see Section 7.5) cliticise directly to the verb stem.

Figure 7.1: One phonological word verb complex

In the examples, the verb word is delineated by square brackets.


3s+pfv-go=to=prf ] 'He came back.'

The second type necessitates two phonological words – a verb word and an 'extension word' – because of the presence of either a direct or indirect object

<sup>4</sup>The structure of the nominalised or dependent forms of the verb is similar. The derivational prefixes are in the same location as the subject prefix. All other affixes and extensions are possible with the exception of the Perfect extension.

<sup>5</sup>Note that the verb stem is /g -j<sup>e</sup> /. The palatalisation drops with the extensions.

### 7 The verb complex

pronominal (or both). The verb word may have either a subject suffix or an indirect object pronominal enclitic (but not both). The structure of this second verb complex is illustrated in Figure 7.2.

Figure 7.2: Two phonological word verb complex

The word break is initiated by both the direct and indirect object pronominals such that when either is present, there will be a word break. The word break after the 3s indirect object pronominal enclitic is indicated by word-final changes in /n/; in slow speech the 3sindirect object pronominal enclitic /=*an* / is pronounced [aŋ] (showing word-final changes) even when there are other clitics following the verb word (3, see Section 7.3.2). The word break before the 3s do pronominal is indicated by the fact that the 3s do pronominal does not neutralise the prosody on the verb stem, and does not cause the /-j/ suffix to drop (4–5, see Section 7.3.3).<sup>6</sup>

(3) Ambaɗan aka alay.


	- [à-ɬ-aj] 3s+pfv-slay-cl [na] 3s.do 'He killed it.'

When there is no indirect object pronominal enclitic, the extensions cliticise to the direct object pronominal (6). When both direct and indirect object pronominals are present, again the extensions cliticise to the direct object pronominal (7).

<sup>6</sup>The first line in each example is the orthographic form. The second is the phonetic form (slow speech) with morpheme breaks.

### 7.1 The phonological structure of the verb word

When there is an indirect object pronominal enclitic but no direct object pronominal, the extensions form a separate phonological word in and of themselves (8, see also 3).

(6) Abək ta aya va məlama ahan ahay jəyga.

verb word 'extension word' [a-bək] 3s-invite [ta=aja=va] 3p.do=plu=prf məlama=ahaŋ=ahaj brothers=3p.poss=Pl dzijga all

'He had already invited all of his brothers.'

(7) Akaɗaw na va.

verb word 'extension word' [à-kaɗ=aw] 3s+pfv-club =1s.io [na=va] 3s.do=prf 'He/she has killed it for me.'

(8) Hor agaw aka ala.

verb word 'extension word' hʷɔr woman [à-g=aw] 3s+pfv-do=3s.io [=aka=ala] =on=to

'The woman liked me [as I liked her].' (lit. she did to me on toward)

The third type of verb complex consists of three phonological words (a verb word, an 'indirect object word,' and an 'extension word'). This type occurs when the verb complex has both a subject suffix and an indirect object pronominal enclitic. Phonological rules will not allow two morphemes suffixed or cliticised to the verb; nor can the indirect object pronominal enclitic commence another word. So, the morpheme *an* is inserted and the indirect object pronominal clitic attaches to the inserted morpheme. The overall structure is then as shown in Figure 7.3.

Figure 7.3: Three phonological word verb complex

In (9) and (10), the verb *kəslom* has the 2p imperative suffix attached (*-om*). The indirect object pronominal enclitic and the inserted morpheme *an*. Other extensions must make a third phonological word since there is a word break following the indirect object pronominal enclitic.

### 7 The verb complex


'You kill another goat for him.'

The three types of verb complexes seen in Moloko are shown in Figure 7.4.


Figure 7.4: Three types of verb complexes

### **7.2 Imperative**

The 2s imperative form is the basic citation form of the verb as the 2s form gives the clearest presentation of the verb stem. The imperative occurs in 2s, 1Pin and 2p forms. The 2s form is simply the verb stem. The plural forms carry suffixes which correspond to their respective subject pronominal suffixes in indicative verb stems (see Section 7.3.1). The singular and plural imperative forms are shown in Table 7.1. (from Friesen & Mamalis 2008).

### **7.3 Verb complex pronominals**

Friesen & Mamalis (2008) showed that the verb complex can carry pronominals that indicate the subject, direct object, and indirect object. These markers in the

### 7.3 Verb complex pronominals


Table 7.1: Singular and plural imperative forms

verb complex are all bound forms. They are called pronominals and not just agreement markers because all of them can be the only indication of their referent in the clause. Because the pronominals are present, there is no need for a noun phrase or free pronoun in the clause. Participants are tracked in discourse solely by pronominals, and free pronouns and noun phrases only occur in discourse to introduce a participant or to switch the referent.

Table 7.2 lists all the pronominals. Subject is indicated by a verbal prefix for singular subjects and third person plural. Plural subjects for first and second person are indicated by a combination of a prefix and a suffix. These subject pronominals (discussed in Section 7.3.1) are given in their underlying form because the surface vowel and tone on the prefix is determined by mood and aspect, respectively. Also, the underlying form is given to show the prosody, because the labialisation prosody in the plural subject suffixes will spread over the entire verb stem. The direct object pronominal (Section 7.3.3) only occurs for third person singular and plural. The indirect object pronominal (Section 7.3.2) cliticises to the right edge of the verb stem and the direct object pronominal follows it. In Table 7.2, the independent pronouns are also given for comparison since there are similarities between the free pronoun and its corresponding pronominal.

### 7 The verb complex


Table 7.2: Pronominals

*<sup>a</sup>*The third person Hortative subject pronominal, see Table 7.12 in Section 7.4.3.

*b* i.e. speaker (+others) + hearer

*c* i.e. speaker + others

### **7.3.1 Subject pronominal affixes**

The subject is always marked on the finite form of the verb, regardless of whether there is a free subject phrase in the clause.<sup>7</sup> In fact, the subject pronominal marker in the verb can be the only indication of subject in the entire clause.<sup>8</sup> As noted in Table 7.3 and Table 7.4 (adapted from Friesen & Mamalis 2008), subject is marked by a prefix or combination of prefix and suffix. In the examples below, the pronominal affixes are bolded. The prefix carries aspectual tone (see Section 7.4), and the vowel quality is influenced by the prosody on the verb stem (see Section 6.6), the presence of the /a-/ prefix (see Section 6.5), and the mood of the verb (see Section 7.4.3). The 1p and 2p suffixes are labialised. This prosody will spread over the entire verb stem.

Bow (1997c) found that a prosody on the verb stem will spread leftwards from the verb stem over the singular subject prefixes. The fact that palatalisation and labialisation spread over the subject prefixes indicates that the subject markers are fully bound to the verb stem and are not separate words. (11) presents the palatalised verb /g <sup>e</sup> / 'do,' and (12) presents the labialised verb /l<sup>o</sup> / 'go.'

<sup>7</sup>The presence of both subject pronominal and corresponding noun phrase occurs for pragmatic reasons.

<sup>8</sup> In a non-finite verb form, the subject pronominal is absent and the subject of the clause is either understood from the context or indicated by a free pronoun or noun phrase in the clause (Sections 7.6.2, 7.7, and 8.2.3).


Table 7.3: Conjugations with subject pronominal affixes for /m nzar/ 'see'

Table 7.4: Conjugations with subject pronominal affixes for /h m-j/ 'run'


7 The verb complex

(11) Nege. [nɛ**-**g-ɛ] 1s-do-cl 'I did.'

(12) Olo. [ɔ**-**lɔ] 3s-go 'he/she went.'

Bow (1997c) also discovered that labialisation on the 1p and 2p subject suffixes will spread leftwards from the suffix onto the entire verb word. This fact indicates that these morphemes are fully bound to the verb stem and are not separate words. The verb /ts k-j<sup>e</sup> / 'stand', shown in example (13) in its 1s form, loses its palatalisation and becomes labialised when the (labialised) plural suffixes are added (14):

(13) Necəke. nɛ**-**tʃɪk-ɛ 1s-stand-cl 'I stand.'

(14) Nəcəkom. nʊ**-**tsʊkʷ-ɔm 1s-stand-1Pex 'We (exclusive) stand.'

Bow (1997c) also determined that the subject pronominal prefixes in Moloko appear to be toneless. The aspect of the verbal construction will allocate tone to the pronoun. In the Imperfective aspect, the pronoun always takes high tone (see Section 7.4.2). In the Perfective aspect, the pronoun copies the first tone of the root if it is low or mid. If the first tone of the root is high, the pronoun takes on mid tone.

### **7.3.2 Indirect object pronominal enclitic**

An indirect object pronominal enclitic can attach to the verb word to express the indirect object, which is a core argument of the verb. The indirect object in Moloko is the participant that represents the place where the direct object is 7.3 Verb complex pronominals

directed to – the recipient or beneficiary of the action.<sup>9</sup> In (15), the verb /dz -j/ 'help' takes the indirect object. The indirect object represents the participant who receives the help.

(15) Ajənaw. a-dzən=aw 3s-help=1s.io 'He/she helped me.'

The indirect object pronominal enclitic allows the core indirect object argument to be expressed in a prepositional phrase *ana Mana* 'to Mana' (16).

(16) Ajənan ana Mana. a-dzən=aŋ 3s-help=3s.io ana dat Mana Mana 'He/she helped Mana.'

The indirect object pronominal enclitic can also stand in the place of the prepositional phrase (17).

(17) Ajən**an**. a-dzən**=aŋ** 3s-help=3s.io 'He/she helped him.'

Table 7.5 (adapted from Friesen & Mamalis 2008) shows the verb /v l/ 'give' conjugated for the indirect object argument. The indirect object expresses the recipient.

The indirect object pronominal enclitics are phonologically bound to the verb stem and do not comprise separate words. When an indirect object pronominal cliticises to the verb stem, there are no word-final alternations in the verb stem. Compare the following pairs of examples showing verb stems with and without indirect object pronominal enclitics. When the indirect object pronominal enclitic is attached (19), there is no word-final alternation of /h/ → [x] / \_#.<sup>10</sup>

<sup>9</sup> Employing the Agent-Theme-Location analysis developed by DeLancey (1991), the indirect object in Moloko expresses the semantic loc (see Chapter 9). The direct object pronominal expresses the semantic Theme – the participant that changes position or state (see Section 7.3.3).

<sup>10</sup>See Section 2.6.1, c.f. (18). Likewise, we do not see the word-final process of n → [ŋ] / \_# between the verb stem and the indirect object pronominal.

### 7 The verb complex

Table 7.5: Verb /v l/ 'give' conjugated for indirect object pronominal enclitic


(18) Aɓah zana. a-ɓax zana

3s-sew clothing 'He/she sews clothing.'

(19) Aɓahaw zana. a-ɓah=aw 3s-sew=1s.io zana clothing 'He/she sews clothing for me.'

Similarly, the example pairs (20) and (21) illustrate that the /-j/ suffix is dropped when the indirect object pronominal is present (21), indicating that the pronominal is phonologically bound to the stem (see Section 6.3).

(20) Ajay. a-dz-aj 3s-speak-cl 'He/she speaks.'

(21) Ajan. a-dz=aŋ 3s-speak=3s.io 'He/she speaks to him/her.'

### 7.3 Verb complex pronominals

The indirect object pronominal enclitic is not phonologically a true suffix, because the prosody of the indirect object pronominal enclitic does not affect the prosody on the verb stem. Compare (22) and (23) which illustrate the verb stem /s/ conjugated with second person singular and plural indirect objects. If the prosody of the indirect object pronominal enclitic affected the verb stem, one would expect that the /s/ in example (23) would be affected by the palatalisation prosody of the plural indirect object pronominal enclitic and be expressed as [ʃ].

(22) Asok aka ɗaf.

a-s=ɔk 3s-please=2s.io =aka =on ɗaf millet loaf 'You want to have more millet loaves.' (lit. millet loaf is pleasing to you)

(23) Asaləkwəye aka ɗaf. a-s=alʊkʷøjɛ 3s-please=2p.io =aka =on ɗaf millet loaf 'You want to have more millet loaves.' (lit. millet loaf is pleasing to you)

The fact that the indirect object pronominal can attach to verb stems as well as other particles confirms that it is in fact a clitic pronoun. Normally, the indirect object pronominal enclitic attaches directly to the verb stem (24). However, if the plural subject pronominal suffix is required on the verb (25), the indirect object pronominal can no longer attach to the verb, because the verb stem can take only one suffix (see Section 7.1). Instead, the indirect object pronominal cliticises to the particle *an.* This particle may be related to *ana*, the dative preposition 'to.'


There is a word break after the indirect object pronominal enclitic (the phonological words are indicated by square brackets in the examples immediately below). The word break is indicated by the fact that the 3s indirect object pronominal enclitic /=*an*/ in slow speech is pronounced [aŋ] even when there are other

### 7 The verb complex

clitics following the verb word (see 26–27). The word-final [ŋ] will delete in fast speech (see Section 2.5.2). These clitics (e.g., the adpositional clitics in these examples, see Section 7.5.1) would otherwise attach to the verb (compare with example 28):

(26) As**an aka** ɗaf. [a-s**=aŋ**] [**=aka**]

him)

3s-please=3s.io =on millet loaf 'He/she wants to have more millet loaves.' (lit. millet loaf is pleasing to

ɗaf


### **7.3.3 Third person direct object pronominal**

Table 7.2 (from Friesen & Mamalis 2008) shows the direct object (do) pronominals. The third person do pronominals replace or double a full noun phrase in a discourse – the *na* (3s.do) or *ta* (3p.do) refer back to something in the immediately preceding context. Examples (29) and (30) show two clauses that might occur in a discourse. In (30) the *na* refers back to *sla* 'cow' in (29).


7.3 Verb complex pronominals

A third person do pronominal can be the only expression of direct object in a clause if its identity is known in the discourse (30, 32, and 36). The only time that a clause will contain both a third person do pronominal and a noun phrase that co-refer to the direct object in the clause is when a special focus on the direct object is required ('all his brothers' in 31, 'that fruit-bearing tree' in 38).

(31) Race Story (Friesen 2003).

Moktonok na, abək **ta** aya va məlama ahan ahay jəyga. mɔkʷtɔnɔkʷ toad na psp a-bək 3s-invite **ta**=aja=va 3p=plu=prf məlama=ahaŋ=ahaj brothers=3p.poss=Pl dzijga all 'The toad, he had already invited all of his brothers.'

We know that the third person do pronominals are phonologically separate words (not clitics like the other verbal extensions) because the /-j/ suffix does not drop when the do pronominal is added to a clause (32). Normally the /-j/ suffix drops off when extensions or suffixes are added to the clause (33, see also Section 6.3).

(32) Apaɗay **na**. a-paɗ-aj 3s-crunch-cl **na** 3s.do 'He/she crunches it.'

(33) Apaɗaka. a-paɗ=aka 3s-crunch=on 'He/she crunches on.'

Another indication that the do pronominal is phonologically a separate word is that the neutral prosody on the do pronominal does not affect the prosody of the verb word. Compare (34) and (35). In both examples the verb complex is palatalised in spite of the addition of the do pronominal. This situation is in contrast to what happens with the Perfect enclitic (see Section 7.5.3).

(34) Nese. nɛ-ʃ-ɛ 1s-drink-cl 'I drink.'

7 The verb complex

(35) Nese na. nɛ-ʃ-ɛ 1s-drink-cl na 3s.do 'I drink it.'

A third indication is that word-final changes (like word-final /n/ being realised as [ŋ] (see Section 2.6.1 and example 36) are preserved when followed by *na* or *ta*.

(36) Nəvəlan **na**. nə-vəl=aŋ 1s-give=3s.io **na** 3s.do 'I gave it to him.'

The normal slot for the do pronominal is within the verb complex between the verb stem and the directional extension. In each example below, the verb complex is delineated by square brackets and the third person do pronominal is bolded.

(37) Baba ango avəlan **na** alay ana məze. baba=aŋgʷɔ father=2s.poss [a-vəl=aŋ 3s-give=3s.io **na**=alaj] 3s.do=away ana dat mɪʒɛ person 'Your father gave it to that person.'

Any further verbal extensions will cliticise to a third person do pronominal. In example (38), the directional extension *=ala* 'toward' cliticises to *na* and vowels will elide resulting in the pronunciation [nala]. See also example (31), where the pluractional and perfect extensions *=aya* and *=va* cliticise to the do pronominal *ta* to result in the pronunciation [tajava].

(38) Cicada, S. 12 Tolo [təmənjar **na** ala] mama agwazla nəndəye. tɔ-lɔ 3p-go [tə-mənzar 3p-see **na**=ala] 3s.do=to mama mother agʷaɮa spp. of tree nɪndijɛ dem 'They went and saw that fruit-bearing tree.'

The first and second person direct objects are expressed by free pronouns (see Section 3.1.1.1) or noun phrases. The free pronouns are distributionally and phonologically distinct from the third person direct object pronominals. The free pronouns occur after the verb complex. Note that they occur after the directional extensions in (39) and (40). In each example, the verb complex is delineated by square brackets and the first or second person independent pronoun is bolded.

7.3 Verb complex pronominals


waya aməmbeɗe hor ata. waja because amɪ-mbɛɗ-ɛ dep-change-cl hʷɔr=atəta woman=3p.poss 'to become a wife [for their relative].' (lit. because to change their woman)

The 3s pronominal is employed in discourse to track participants (along with the subject and indirect object pronominals, see Sections 7.3.1 and 7.3.2, respectively). Examples (41) and (42) are from the Snake story (see Section 1.4). The snake is introduced with a noun phrase *gogolvan* 'snake' (41). Further on in the narrative, the snake is referred to by the 3s do pronominal *na* (42).


In a clause where the referent is clear, the 3s do pronominal *na* can sometimes be left out in a clause. Four consecutive lines from a narrative not illustrated in this work are shown in (43). In the narrative, the head of the household brings home some things he bought at the market. He tells his workers to carry the things into the house. In his instructions *horom alay ayva* 'carry [all the things] into the house,' there is no grammatical indication of 'those things.' The absence

### 7 The verb complex

of the do pronominal is indicated in the clause by the symbol Ø. In this case, the referent is clear and is not required in the clause.<sup>11</sup>

(43) Bahay a hay olo a kosoko ava. bahaj chief a gen haj house ɔ-lɔ 3s-go a at kɔsɔkʷɔ market ava in 'The head of the house went to the market.'

> Askomala ele ahay gam. a-sʊkʷɔm=ala 3s-buy=to ɛlɛ=ahaj thing=Pl gam many 'He bought many things.'

Awəɗakata ele ngəndəye ana ndam slərele ahan ahay, awəy, a-wuɗak=ata 3s-divide=3p.io ɛlɛ thing ŋgɛndijɛ dem ana dat ndam people ɬɪrɛlɛ=ahaŋ=ahaj work=3s.poss=Pl awij said '[When he got home], he divided the things among his workmen, saying,'

"Horom alay ayva!" hʷɔr-ɔm carry[imp]-2p Ø =alaj =away ajva inside house '"Carry [all the things] into the house."'

Likewise, in the Cicada story, the direct object (the tree that the chief wanted by his door) is not grammatically indicated in the clause in S. 16 (44). Although the referent is definite, there is no grammatical reference to it in the clause.

(44) Cicada, S. 16 Taazala təta bay. tàà-z=ala 3p+hor-take=to Ø təta ability baj neg 'They were not able to bring [the tree].'

Participants can be made prominent in a clause by doubling the reference to them. In (45) from S. 20 of the Cicada story, the tree that the chief desired is indicated twice in a clause, both by the presence of a noun phrase *memele ga*

<sup>11</sup>The do pronominal in Moloko does not function in the way Frajzyngier has postulated for some Chadic languages. Frajzyngier & Shay (2008) say that the do pronoun codes the definiteness of the referent in some Chadic languages. While it is true in Moloko that when the do pronominal (or any other pronoun) is used, then the referent is definite, the converse is not true. For example, the referent in (43) is definite yet there is no do pronominal.

*ndana* 'that tree that you spoke of' and also the 3s do pronominal (both are bolded in 45). The effect is prominence.

(45) Cicada, S. 20

Náamənjar **na** alay **memele ga ndana** əwɗe. náá-mənzar 1s+pot-see **na**=alaj 3s.do=away **mɛmɛlɛ** tree **ga** adj **ndana** dem uwɗɛ first '"First I want to see the tree that you spoke of."'

### **7.4 Aspect and mood**

Friesen & Mamalis (2008) showed that Moloko does not mark verb stems for tense, but uses an aspectual system, looking at realis events as complete (Perfective, see Section 7.4.1) or incomplete (Imperfective, see Section 7.4.2). The vowel in the prefix expresses realis or irrealis mood (see Section 7.4.3). The tonal melody on the subject prefix expresses realis events as Perfective or Imperfective aspect, and expresses the various kinds of irrealis events. Reduplication of a consonant in the verb stem indicates habitual iterative aspect (see Section 7.4.4). Reduplication of the entire verb stem indicates the intermittent iterative aspect – the intermittent repetition of the same action, possibly by the same actor, over a period of time (see Section 7.4.5).<sup>12</sup>

### **7.4.1 Perfective**

The Perfective (pfv) aspect in Moloko is the aspect that presents a realis event as completed (Friesen & Mamalis 2008).<sup>13</sup> The Perfective aspect is indicated by a phonetic low or mid tone on the subject prefix. Verb stems with underlyingly low tone or toneless verb stems have a phonetic low tone if the verb stem begins with a depressor consonant (see Section 6.7.1), and phonetic mid tone otherwise. Verb stems with underlyingly high tone are unaffected by depressor consonants

<sup>12</sup>Another repeated aspect is the pluractional. The pluractional extension in Moloko indicates an action is back and forth, for example *s=əya* 'sawing' or *h=aya* 'grinding' (Section 7.5.2).

<sup>13</sup>Usually, the term 'Perfective' is used to refer to a situation as a whole, whether it is completed at the time of speaking or not. The situation is viewed in its entirety for Perfective, whereas in Imperfective aspect, the situation is viewed 'from inside.' as an ongoing process (Comrie 1976: 3–4; Payne 1997: 239). Dixon (2012) refers to verbs expressing completed actions as 'perfect' and those expressing incomplete actions as 'imperfect.' We have used the term 'Perfective' for completed actions in Moloko because there is also a morpheme representing Perfect in Moloko (Section 7.5.3) which collocates with both of these other aspects.

### 7 The verb complex

and so the phonetic tone of the subject prefix is mid. Table 7.6 (from Friesen & Mamalis 2008) shows an example from each tone class.



The default verbal aspect for the main event line in a narrative is Perfective. Perfective verb forms are found in the main event line clauses expressing the events immediately following the setting sections of narratives. This is seen in the following examples drawn from three different narratives: (46) is from lines 4-6 of the Snake story, (47) is from a story not illustrated in this work, and (48) is from line 6 of the Cicada story. In the examples, Perfective verb forms are bolded. The low tone is marked on the subject pronominal prefix.

(46) Snake, S. 4-6

Alala na, gogolvan na, **olo alay**. a-l=ala 3s-go=to na psp gʷɔgʷɔlvaŋ snake na psp **ɔ̀-lɔ=alaj** 3s+pfv-go=away 'Some time later, the snake went.'

**Acar** a hay kəre ava fo fo fo. **à-tsar** 3s+pfv-climb a at haj house kɪrɛ beams ava in fɔ fɔ fɔ id:sound of snake 'It climbed into the roof of the house *fo fo fo*.'

Sen ala na, okfom **adəɗala** ɓav. ʃɛŋ id:go =ala =to na psp ɔkʷfɔm mouse **à-dəɗ=ala** 3s+pfv-fall=to ɓav id:sound of falling 'And walking, a mouse fell *ɓav*!'

(47) Kəlen na, zar ahan na, **enjé** ele ahan ametele. kɪlɛŋ next na psp zar=ahaŋ man=3s.poss na psp **ɛ̀-nʒ-ɛ** 3s+pfv-leave-cl ɛlɛ=ahaŋ thing=3s.poss amɛ-tɛl-ɛ dep-walk-cl 'Then, her husband went away to walk;'

**Enjé** kə delmete aka a slam enen. **ɛ̀-nʒ-ɛ** 3s+pfv-leave-cl kə on dɛlmɛtɛ place aka on a at ɬam place ɛnɛŋ another 'he left for some place.'

(48) Cicada, S. 6

Albaya ahay ndana kəlen **təngala** ala ma ana bahay. albaja=ahaj young man=Pl ndana dem kɪlɛŋ then **tə̀-ŋgala**=ala 3p+pfv-return=to ma word ana dat bahaj chief 'The above-mentioned young men then took the word (response) to the chief.'

### **7.4.2 Imperfective**

In contrast with the Perfective, the Imperfective aspect (ifv) can refer to a realis event that is incomplete and in the process of happening or to an event that is just about to begin.<sup>14</sup> The subject prefix for the Imperfective form is always high tone and the tone over the verb stem varies according to the underlying tone of the verb stem. Bow (1997c) noted that the high tone on the prefix spreads to the first syllable of an underlyingly low tone verb. In the examples, the high tone of the Imperfective and low tone of Perfective are marked on the subject pronominal prefix. Examples (49–56) are in pairs to show contrast between the tone of the Imperfective (the first of each pair) and the Perfective (the second of each pair). Compare (49) (Imperfective) and (50) (Perfective). Example (49) refers to an event in process of happening (going to the market; already en route).<sup>15</sup>

(49) K**ó**lo amtamay? k**ɔ́**-lɔ 2s+ifv-go amtamaj where 'Where are you going?'

<sup>14</sup>'Imperfective aspect' usually refers to a situation 'from the inside' and is concerned with the internal structure of the situation (Comrie 1976: 4). Perhaps 'incomplete' would be a better name for this aspect in Moloko; however it does not correspond with imperfect as described by Dixon (2012) in that the action need not begin before the present and be continuing, as Dixon (2012: 31) notes.

<sup>15</sup>There is also a progressive aspect expressed by a complex verb construction (see Section 8.2.1), but the Imperfective verb form alone can give the idea of an action in progress.

7 The verb complex

(50) K**o**lo amtamay? k**ɔ̀**-lɔ̄ 2s+pfv-go amtamaj where 'Where were you?'

(51) and (52) illustrate another Imperfective/Perfective pair. The Imperfective in this case refers to an event in process.


(53) is an Imperfective that marks an event about to begin (compare with the Perfective in 54).

(53) N**á**pasay agaban. n**á-**pàs-āj 1s+ifv-take away-cl agabaŋ sesame 'I'm about to take away the sesame seeds.'

(54) N**a**pasay agaban. n**à-**pàs-āj 1s+pfv-take away-cl agabaŋ sesame 'I took away the sesame seeds.'

Likewise, the Imperfective in (55) illustrates an event about to begin (compared with the Perfective in 56).

(55) Cəcəngehe ne awəy, "N**é**ge hay əwla ete." tʃɪtʃɪŋgɛhɛ now nɛ 1s awij said n**ɛ́**-g-ɛ́ 1s+ifv-do-cl haj=uwla house=1s.poss ɛtɛ also 'Now I said, "I want to/am going to make a house for myself too."'

(56) Cəcəngehe ne awəy, "N**e**ge hay əwla ete." tʃɪtʃɪŋgɛhɛ now nɛ 1s awij said n**ɛ̀**-g-ɛ̄ 1s+pfv-do-cl haj=uwla house=1s.poss ɛtɛ also 'Now I said, "I made a house for myself too."'

Table 7.7 (from Friesen & Mamalis 2008) shows the Imperfective tonal pattern on the same four verb stems as were illustrated in Table 7.6 for the Perfective.


Table 7.8 (from Friesen & Mamalis 2008) summarises the tone patterns for Perfective and Imperfective tone on stems of different structures though the syllable pattern of the stem does not influence the tone pattern for the different aspects.

In texts, the Imperfective is used whenever the (ongoing) normal state of affairs is being expressed, i.e., the way the world is. All the main verbs are Imperfective in (57–60). They are general statements and not speaking of a particular situation.


### 7 The verb complex


Table 7.8: Summary of tone patterns in selected verb forms

(60) **Kákaɗ** okfom nə məkəɗe. **Káslay** bay. **ká-kaɗ** 2s+ifv-kill(club) ɔkʷfɔm mouse nə with mɪ-kɪɗ-ɛ nom-kill(club)-cl **ká-ɬ-aj** 2s+ifv-slay-cl baj neg 'You kill mice by smashing their head; you don't cut their throats.' (lit. you kill a mouse with killing; you don't slay it)

The Imperfective can refer to events that take place at any time, including in the past. In a story set in the past, the idea of an ongoing event that was the context for another event is encoded using the Imperfective verb form combined with the progressive aspect construction (see Section 8.2.1). The Imperfective verb stems are bolded in (61) (a sentence from the introduction of a narrative not illustrated in this work).

(61) Asa təmənjar zar Məloko andalay **ásəya** ele asa if tə-mənzar 3p-see zar man Mʊlɔkʷɔ Moloko a-nd=alaj 3s-prg=away **á-s=ija** 3s+ifv-cut=plu ɛlɛ thing 'If they found a Moloko cutting [his fields]'

nə zlərgo coco fan na, nə with ɮʊrgʷɔ axe tsɔtsɔ id:cutting faŋ already na psp 'with his axe, *tsotso*'

təlala təta gam na, tarəbokoy na ala rəbok rəbok. tə-l=ala 3s-go=to təta 3p gam many na psp ta-rʊbɔkʷ-ɔj 3p-hide-cl na=ala 3s.do=to rʊbɔkʷ rʊbɔkʷ id:hide 'many came stealthily upon him *rəbok, rəbok*.'

In narratives, the Imperfective is found in the introduction to stories to describe the way things were at the beginning of the story.<sup>16</sup> For example, in the Disobedient Girl story, the main verbs in the introduction (lines 1–8) are all Imperfective. The entire story is in Section 1.5; the literal English translation of the introduction is given here with Imperfectives bolded.

"A story under the silo, they say, the story of the disobedient girl: Long ago, to the Moloko people, God **gives** his blessing. That is, even if they had only sowed a little [millet] like this, it **lasts** them enough for the whole

<sup>16</sup>As well as Imperfective, verb forms in the progressive aspect Section 8.2.1 and existentials (which do not inflect for aspect, Section 3.4) are found in the setting and conclusion sections of a narrative.

### 7 The verb complex

year. While grinding on the grinding stone, they **take** one grain of millet. So, if they **are grinding** it, the flour **multiplies**. Just one grain of millet, it **suffices** for them, and there **are leftovers**. Because, during its grinding, it **multiplies** on the grinding stone."

Imperfectives are also found in the conclusion of the narrative to recount how things turned out at the end of the story. The main verbs in the conclusion of the Disobedient Girl are also Imperfective. The literal English translation of the conclusion (lines 32-38) is given here with Imperfectives bolded (the entire story is in Section 1.5).

"So, ever since that time, finished! The Molokos say that God **gets** angry because of that girl, the disobedient one. Because of all that, God **takes back** his blessing from them. And now, one grain of millet, it **doesn't multiply** anymore. Putting one grain of millet on the grinding stone, it **doesn't multiply** anymore. You must **put on** a lot. It is like this they say, The curse belongs to that young woman who brought this suffering onto the people."

When the Imperfective co-occurs with the Perfect, the verb describes the current state or result of an event (62, see Section 7.5.3).

(62) Arahə**va**. à-rah**=va** 3s+pfv-fill=prf 'It is full.' (it had filled)

### **7.4.3 Irrealis mood**

Friesen & Mamalis (2008) showed how mood influences the vowel features of the subject pronominal prefix. Moloko has two moods: realis and irrealis. The main formal feature of the irrealis mood is that the vowel in the subject prefix is lengthened. There are three subtypes of irrealis mood, indicated by tone along with the lengthened subject prefix.<sup>17</sup> Tone on the subject prefix has three patterns, and no longer correlates with Perfective or Imperfective aspect in the irrealis mood. Rather, it correlates with the speaker's desire and will. These three types of mood are called Potential, Hortative, and Possible, respectively. Potential mood

<sup>17</sup>Only two moods were distinguished in previous documents (Friesen & Mamalis 2008; Boyd 2003).

expresses an action desired by the speaker that is under his or her influence to perform. It carries a mild hortatory force for second person forms. Hortative mood expresses an action desired by the speaker to be performed by another who is somehow under his or her influence. Possible mood expresses that an action is desired by the speaker but dependent on the will of another.

The difference between the moods is illustrated in the following narrative situations. The first (63 and 64) illustrates a situation where someone says that he wants the chief to come to him, but he is not sure if the chief will actually come. The fact that the chief's coming is desired by the speaker but dependent on the will of the chief is expressed by the Possible mood in (63), with falling tone on the lengthened subject prefix (bolded). Compare with the response given in (64), where the speaker is sure that the chief will come. The surety is expressed by the Potential mood, with high tone on the lengthened subject prefix (bolded).

(63) Asaw bahay məlala azana **aá**lala ete ɗaw?

a-s=aw 3s-please=1s.io bahaj chief mə-l=ala 3s+hor-go=to azana maybe **áà-**l=ala 3s+pbl-go=to ɛtɛ polite ɗaw q 'I would like the chief to come; maybe he will come (if he wants to).'

(64) **Áa**lala. **áá-**l=ala 3s+pot-go=to 'He will come (I am sure).'

Likewise, in (65), the speaker is expressing his wish that a potential attacker will leave him and his family alone. The falling tone on the lengthened subject prefix (bolded) indicates that the speaker is not sure that the person will leave them alone, but it depends on the will of that person (Possible mood).

(65) Adan bay **aá**makay loko émbəzen loko asabay. adaŋ perhaps baj neg **áà-**mak-aj 2s+pbl-leave-cl lɔkʷɔ 1Pin ɛ-mbɪʒɛŋ 3s+ifv-ruin lɔkʷɔ 1Pin asa-baj again-neg 'Perhaps he will leave us alone; he will not ruin us anymore.'

High tone on the lengthened subject prefix indicates Potential mood (an action desired by the speaker that is under his or her influence to perform, 66 and 68). In the examples, the subject prefix is bolded.

### 7 The verb complex


Low tone on the lengthened subject prefix indicates Hortative mood (an action desired by the speaker to be performed by another who is somehow under his or her influence, 69–70).


High tone followed by low tone on the lengthened subject prefix indicates Possible mood (an action is desired by the speaker but dependent on the will of another, 71–74).

(71) Epeley epeley ɗəw **noó**lo bay ɗaw? ɛpɛlɛj whenever ɛpɛlɛj whenever ɗuw also **nɔ́ɔ̀**-lɔ̄ 1s+pbl-go baj neg ɗaw q 'Far in the future also, might I not go perhaps?'

(72) **Aá**lo. **áà**-lɔ̄ 3s+pbl-go 'He/she might go.' (it is up to him whether he goes, and I don't know what he is thinking)

(73) Adan bay ɓərav ahan **aá**ndeslen **aá**makay məɗəgele ahan. adaŋ baj perhaps ɓərav=ahaŋ heart=3s.poss **áà**-ndɛɬɛŋ 3s+pbl-cool **áà**-māk-aj 3s+pbl-leave-cl mɪ-ɗɪgɛl-ɛ nom-think-cl

=ahaŋ

=3s.poss

'Perhaps his heart will cool, and he might leave behind his anger (lit. his thinking).'

(74) **Maá**həzlok asabay bay way.

**máà**-hʷʊɮ-ɔk 1Pin+pbl-destroy-1Pin asa-baj again-neg baj neg waj who

'Maybe we won't be destroyed after all.'<sup>18</sup>

The three irrealis moods are illustrated in Table 7.9 for the high tone verb /l<sup>o</sup> / 'go.'

Table 7.10 illustrates the low tone verb /tats/ 'close' in all of the realis and irrealis forms.

In first or third person, the Potential mood indicates some measure of confidence on the part of the speaker that the action will be performed, or the state achieved. First note the Imperfective in (75) (with high tone and short vowel on subject prefix) expressing an incomplete action. The Potential mood in (76) (with high tone and long vowel on subject prefix) carries the idea of surety (as does 77).

(75) **Ná**l**o** a kosoko ava. **ná**-l**ɔ́** 1s+ifv-go a at kɔsɔkʷɔ market ava in 'I am going to the market.'

<sup>18</sup>Note that this 'passive' idea (to be destroyed) is accomplished through the flexible transitivity system in Moloko. The verb means 'destroy' but with the Theme as subject of the verb, the whole clause here expresses a passive idea (Chapter 9).


Table 7.9: Mood for the verb /l<sup>o</sup> / 'go'

Table 7.10: Realis and irrealis forms of /tats/ 'close'



Table 7.11 shows a conjugation of the low tone verb /fat-j/ 'descend' in the Potential form.


Table 7.11: Potential form conjugation of /fat -j / 'descend'

Table 7.12 shows a conjugation of the low tone verb /fat-j/ 'descend' in the Hortative form. In the Hortative form, the 3s subject prefix is [màà-]. Compared with the Potential form, the Hortative form is a little stronger in terms of its hortatory force (see Section 10.4).

Table 7.13 shows the Possible form of the low tone verb /fat-j/ 'descend.'

Compare the realis imperfective (78), potential (79), and hortatory (80) forms of the high tone verb /*z m*/ 'eat.' The subject prefixes are bolded.


Table 7.12: Hortative form conjugation of /fat -j / 'descend'



Table 7.13: Possible form conjugation of /fat -j / 'descend'

Table 7.14 (from Friesen & Mamalis 2008) shows the second and third person forms of a verb from each of the tone classes (H, L, toneless) in irrealis and realis moods.

Verb forms in irrealis mood occur in Moloko discourse to express events that might occur. In the Cicada text, some young men go out to bring back a tree that was desired by their chief. The men try but can't bring home the tree (which constitutes contrastive relief for the cicada's success in the end). A negative modal statement relates the unsuccessful attempt by the young men (81, from S.14). The lengthened subject prefix characterising irrealis mood is bolded in (81).

(81) Cicada, S. 16

Albaya ahay tolo amazala agwazla na, **taa**zala təta bay. albaja=ahaj young man=Pl tɔ-lɔ 3p-go ama-z=ala dep-take=to agʷaɮa spp. of tree na psp **tàà-**zaɗ=ala 3p+hor-take=to

təta ability baj neg

'The young men left to bring back the tree; [but] they were not able to bring [it].'

Table 7.14:Tone of realis and irrealis verb forms


7 The verb complex

Also, dependent complement clauses represent things that were still future relative to the time of particular events on the event line (see Section 7.7). They encode desired results that might not necessarily happen as illustrated in the examples below.

(82) Disobedient Girl, S. 13

Asa asok **aməhaya** na, kázaɗ war elé háy bəlen. asa if à-s=ɔkʷ 3s+pfv-please=2s.io **amə-h=aja** dep+pfv-grind=plu na psp ká-zaɗ 2s+ifv-take war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one 'If you want to grind, you take only one grain.'

(83) Cicada, S. 7

Agasaka na ka mahay ango aka **aməmbese.** a-gas=aka 3s-catch=on na psp ka on mahaj=aŋgʷɔ door=2s.poss aka on **amɪ-mbɛʃ-ɛ** dep-rest-cl 'It would please you to have the tree at your door, so that you could rest under it.'

### **7.4.4 Habitual iterative**

The habitual iterative aspect<sup>19</sup> presents the actor(s) performing an action repeatedly as their usual habit. This aspect is formed by the gemination of the onset of the final syllable of the verb word.<sup>20</sup> In a one-consonant root, the root consonant is doubled (84). The verb words showing this aspect are bolded in each of the examples and the reduplicated consonant is underlined.

(84) Kafta kosoko zlaba na, Məloko anga enen ahay **tóllo** a ləhe. kafta day kɔsɔkʷɔ market ɮaba Dogba na psp Mʊlɔkʷɔ Moloko aŋga poss ɛnɛŋ=ahaj another=Pl **tɔ́-llɔ** 3p+ifv-go+itr a at lɪhɛ bush 'Each Sunday (the market of Dogba), some Molokos go to [work] their fields.'

<sup>19</sup>Friesen & Mamalis (2008) called this 'repetitive aspect.' Note that Moloko has two other forms that involve repetition of the same actions – the intermittent iterative (marked by complete reduplication of the verb stem, see Section 7.4.5) and the pluractional (marked by a verbal extension *=aya* or =*əya*, see Section 7.5.2).

<sup>20</sup>There are no examples in the corpus with verbal extensions.

### 7 The verb complex

In a CC root with no suffix, the first C of the stem is doubled (85–86).

(85) Tətərak ango nehe na, **káffəɗ** ele ango a mogom waya azaɗ merkwe bay tətərak=aŋgʷɔ shoes=2s.poss nɛhɛ here na psp **ká-ffəɗ** 2s+ifv-put+itr ɛlɛ=aŋgʷɔ thing=2s.poss a at mɔgʷɔm home 'Your shoes there, you should put them on (habitually, repeatedly, day after day) at home,'

waja because à-zàɗ 3s+pfv-take mɛrkʷɛ travel baj neg 'because you can't travel with them.' (lit. it doesn't take travel)

The fact that the reduplicated consonant is on the onset of the final syllable of the verb word (and not a particular consonant in the verb root) is illustrated by (86) and (87), which show the same verb */z m<sup>o</sup> /* in the 2s and 2p forms. The 2p form has an extra syllable in the verb word because of the 2p subject pronominal suffix. In the 2s form, the reduplicated consonant is *z* – the first consonant of the root. In the 2p form, the reduplicated consonant is *m* – the second consonant of the root. However in both cases, the reduplicated consonant is the consonant at the onset of the final syllable in the verb word.


'During a feast, you all eat (many times at many people's houses).'

(88) and (89) also show the reduplication of the onset of the final syllable of the verb word with a /-j / suffix.

(88) Kosoko molom na, ndam pəra ahay **tésse** gəzom. kɔsɔkʷɔ market mɔlɔm home na psp ndam person pəra=ahaj idol=Pl **tɛ́-ʃʃ-ɛ́** 3p+ifv-drink+itr-cl gʊzɔm beer 'On market day, the traditionalists drink millet beer (many people, much beer).'

7.5 Verbal extensions

(89) **Adarray** eteme waya gəvah gam. **à-dàrr-āj** 3s+pfv-plant+itr-cl ɛtɛmɛ onion waja because gəvax field gam lots 'He/she planted many onions because his field was large.'

### **7.4.5 Intermittent iterative**

The intermittent iterative<sup>21</sup> expresses the idea of the intermittent repetition of the same action, possibly by the same actor, over a period of time.<sup>22</sup> The intermittent iterative is formed by complete reduplication of the verb. Example (90) reflects a remark made by a friend concerning a situation where one duck died, then the owner bought another, and it died, and the situation was repeated four times. In the examples, the verb complex is delimited by square brackets.

(90) Andəbaba ango amət amat. andəbaba=aŋgʷɔ duck=2s.poss [a-mət 3s-die a-mat] 3s-die 'Your ducks keep dying.' (lit. your duck, it dies it dies)

In the elicited example below, the situation is that a group of people has gone to the market and has bought several items from several different vendors. Note that the directional extension *ala* occurs only once, following the second verb.

(91) A kosoko ava na, nəskwəmom nəskwəmom ala. a at kɔsɔkʷɔ market ava in na psp [nʊ-sʊkʷʊm-ɔm 1s-buy-1Pex nʊ-sʊkʷʊm-ɔm 1s-buy-1Pex =ala =to ] 'At the market, we buy and buy.' (lit. at the market, we buy we buy)

### **7.5 Verbal extensions**

Friesen & Mamalis (2008) found that the six verbal extensions in Moloko are a class of morphemes that modify the meaning of the verb. They are clitics which cliticise to the right edge of the verbal complex to form a phonological word.

<sup>21</sup>Friesen & Mamalis (2008) called this aspect simply "iterative."

<sup>22</sup>Moloko has two other forms that involve repetition of the same actions – the habitual iterative (marked by reduplication of one consonant in the stem, see Section 7.4.4) and the pluractional (marked by a verbal extension *=aya* or =*əya*, see Section 7.5.2).

### 7 The verb complex

The verb stem and the extensions may be separated syntactically by the indirect object pronominal clitics and third person do pronominals (see Sections 7.3.2 and 7.3.3, respectively). The extensions will trigger the loss of any prosody on the verb stem.

In Moloko there are three categories of verbal extensions. Adpositionals (=*aka* 'on' and =*ava* 'in')<sup>23</sup> modify the meaning of the verb with particular reference to the location of the action. Directionals (*=ala* 'toward,' *=ala* 'away,' and *=aya* 'back and forth' or pluractional) add the idea of movement with respect to a particular point of reference. The third category is the Perfect =*va.*

### **7.5.1 Adpositionals**

There are two adpositional enclitics:<sup>24</sup> *=aka* 'on, on top of' and *=ava* 'in.' These extensions give the verb an added sense of the location of the action in the discourse. The extension *=aka* 'on, on top of' (92) resembles the second element of the adposition *kə…aka* 'on.' In like manner, *=ava* 'in' (93) resembles the adposition *a…ava* 'in' (see Section 5.6.2).<sup>25</sup> The corresponding adpositional phrases often co-occur with the adpositionals. In the examples, the adpositions and adpositionals are bolded.


Adpositional extensions are phonological enclitics at the right edge of the verb. Friesen & Mamalis (2008) showed them to be phonologically bound to the verb stem because the /-j/ suffix drops off when the clitic attaches (95) (see also Section 6.3). Compare (94) and (95) which illustrate the verb /g -j <sup>e</sup> / 'do.' Note that the

<sup>23</sup>These locational extensions are the same as the locational clitics on adpositional phrases; see Section 5.6.2.

<sup>24</sup>Friesen & Mamalis (2008) called these "locationals."

<sup>25</sup>Even though the verb in this example has verbal extensions, it is not conjugated for subject since it is a climactic point in the story where nominalised forms are often found (Section 7.6).

7.5 Verbal extensions

/-j/ suffix in the stem drops off when the extension *=aka* is attached (95). Another piece of evidence that the extension is phonologically bound to the verb stem is that the palatisation of the verb stem is neutralised by the extension. There is no adpositional extension and the verb word is palatalised in (94), whereas in (95) the locational extension *=aka* has neutralised the prosody of the entire verb complex.


Another piece of evidence that the extensions are phonologically attached to the verb stem is that the word-final allophones of /n/ and /h/, that is [ŋ] and [x], respectively, do not occur in the word-final position in the verb word when the locational is attached. When the extension *=va* cliticises to the verb /r h/ 'fill,' word-final alterations of /h/ do not occur (96). These allophones would be expected if the verb stem and Perfect extension were separate words.

(96) Arah**va** peɗeɗe.

à-rah**=va** 3s+pfv-fill=prf pɛɗɛɗɛ id:full 'It had filled right to the rim.'

The adpositional does not cliticise to the verb in (97) and (98) since the indirect object pronominal enclitic and plural subject suffix both trigger a word-final boundary (see Section 7.1), rendering the adpositional in a separate phonological word. In the examples, the boundaries of the phonological words are indicated by square brackets.

(97) Kanjaw **aka**. [ka-nz=aw] 2s-sit=1s.io [=**aka**] =on 'You are better than me.' (lit. you sit on me)

### 7 The verb complex

(98) Nədozlom **ava** a cəveɗ ava nə məze. [nə̀-dɔɮ-ɔm] 1s+pfv-intersect-1Pex [**=ava**] =in a in tʃɪvɛɗ road ava in nə with mɪʒɛ person 'We met a person on the road.'

The extension *=aka* 'on' or 'on top of' also has the metaphorical meaning of 'in addition to,' 'again,' or 'even still' when the action of the verb occurs 'on top of' something that occurred previously; compare the following pair of examples, and note how the *=aka* in (100) looks backward to another instance of the same action in (99).


Using *=aka* in a context where the addressee is eating renders the meaning 'do you want any more 'on top of' what you have already eaten?' (101).

(101) Asok **aka** ɗaw? a-s=ɔkʷ 3s-please=2s.io =**aka** =on ɗaw q 'Do you want any more?' (lit. is it pleasing to you on?)

With the verb *mbaɗ* 'change,' *=aka* gives an idiomatic meaning to mark a change of speaker; that is, he spoke 'on top of' what the other person had just said.

(102) Ambaɗaŋ **aka.** a-mbaɗ=aŋ 3s-change=3s.io =**aka** =on 'He/she replied.' (lit. he changed to him on)

7.5 Verbal extensions

### **7.5.2 Directionals**

Friesen & Mamalis (2008) found three directional extensions *=ala* 'towards' (103, 104), *=alay* 'away from' (105), and *=aya/=əya* 'back and forth repeated movement' (106). These directionals occur after the verb word and, if present, after the adpositional extensions as seen in (103) and (104). The directionals precede the Perfect (see Section 7.5.3), as seen in (106).

(103) Kazaka **ala** hor ese. ka-zaɗ=aka=**ala** 2s-take=on=to hʷɔr woman ɛʃɛ again

> 'You take another wife' (on top of the one you already have).<sup>26</sup> (lit. you take a wife on again)


(106) Race story<sup>27</sup>

Moktonok na, abək ta **aya** va məlama ahan ahay jəyga. mɔkʷtɔnɔkʷ toad na psp a-bək 3s-invite ta=**aja**=va 3p=plu=prf məlama=ahaŋ=ahaj brothers=3p.poss=Pl dzijga all 'The toad, he had already invited all of his brothers.' (i.e., he went back and forth to all his brothers, inviting each)

Like the adpositionals, the directionals are phonological clitics at the right edge of the verbal complex. The presence of the enclitics requires that the /-j/ suffix be dropped off (the verb stem in example (104) is /dzap -j/ 'mix'). The neutral prosody of these extensions causes the palatalisation on the verb stem to neutralise. In (107) the verb stem is / nz -j <sup>e</sup> / 'go' with a 3s surface form of [ɛnʒɛ].

<sup>26</sup>The root-final *ɗ* of the verb *zaɗ* 'take' drops off when affixes and clitics are added (Section 6.2). <sup>27</sup>Friesen 2003.

7 The verb complex

(107) Anj**ala**. a-nz=**ala** 3s-go=to 'He/she is coming.'

Directional extensions orient the event expressed by the verb relative to a centre of reference. In speech, that point of reference is usually the speaker, so actions are seen as going towards the speaker (=*ala*), away from the speaker (=*alay*), or back and forth repeatedly (=*aya*). Compare the following examples of the verb /s kʷ m/ 'buy/sell' with a first person subject. When used with the directional *=ala* 'toward,' the verb means 'buy' (108). When it is used with the directional *=alay* 'away,' it means 'sell' (109).

(108) Nəskom**ala** awak. nə̀-sʊkʷɔm**=ala** 1s+pfv-buy/sell=to awak goat 'I bought a goat.'

(109) Nəskom**alay** awak. nə̀-sʊkʷɔm**=alaj** 1s+pfv-buy/sell=away awak goat 'I sold my goat.'

The directional *=ala* 'toward' indicates an action that moves toward the centre of reference (see 110 and 112). The directional *=alay* 'away' indicates an action that moves away from that centre (see 111 and 113). Compare the example pairs for /d r/ 'move' (110 and 111) and for */* z ɗ/ 'take' (112 and 113). In each example pair, the first shows an action towards the speaker and the second shows an action away from the speaker.

(110) Dər**ala**. dər=**ala** move[2s.imp]=to 'Come closer (to me).'

(111) Dər**alay**.

dər=**alaj** move[2s.imp]=away 'Move away (from me).'

7.5 Verbal extensions


The third directional *=aya* or *=əya* gives the idea of repetitive movement back and forth. This repetitive back and forth movement is called pluractional.<sup>28</sup> A few verbs never occur without the pluractional and involve regular back and forth movements like sawing (114), grinding (115), or putting many (*d=əya*). For other verbs, adding the directional adds a back and forth movement to the sense. Example (106) above involves the subject going from person to person to invite them to help.


Directionals are a device used in Moloko discourse to help provide cohesion.<sup>29</sup> Directionals keep the hearer oriented to the events of a story and how they relate to a particular spatial point of reference (a place or dominant character). The point of reference may remain constant throughout the whole story or it may change during the story. Selected lines from the Cicada text (116) illustrate how

<sup>28</sup>A verbal extension or affix is one way of showing pluractional actions in other Chadic languages (Newman 1990). The other is reduplication of the verb root. Such verb root reduplication is also seen in Moloko for habitual iterative aspect Section 7.4.4 and intermittent iterative aspect Section 7.4.5.

<sup>29</sup>Other discourse devices which function in cohesion include demonstratives (Section 3.2), the adjectiviser *ga* (Section 5.3), the presupposition marker *na* (Chapter 11), and participant tracking (Section 7.3).

### 7 The verb complex

directionals relate main line events to the point of reference which is the chief (or perhaps the place in his compound where he makes the millet beer). The directionals are bolded in the examples. The presence of the two directionals in (119) and (120) is the only way in the story that we know that the cicada brought the tree back to the chief (until the chief thanks him in line 34).

(116) Cicada, S. 6

Albaya ahay ndana kəlen təngala**ala** ma ana bahay. albaja=ahaj youth=Pl ndana dem kɪlɛŋ then tə̀-ŋgala**=ala** 3p+pfv-return=to ma word ana dat bahaj chief

'The above-mentioned young men then took the word (response) to the chief.' (lit they returned the word to the chief)

(117) Cicada, S. 12

Təlo tamənjar na **ala** mama agwazla nəndəye. tə̀-lɔ 3p+pfv-go tà-mənzar 3p+hor-see na**=ala** 3s.do=to mama mother agʷaɮa spp. of tree nɪndijɛ dem 'They went to see [for the chief] that mother-tree.'

(118) Cicada, S. 16

Kəlen albaya ahay tolo amaz**ala** agwazla na, taaz**ala** təta bay. kɪlɛŋ then albaja=ahaj youth=Pl tɔ̀-lɔ 3p+pfv-go ama-z**=ala** dep-take=to agʷaɮa spp. of tree na psp

'And then, the young men left to bring back the tree [to the chief];'

tàà-z**=ala** 3p+hor-take=to təta ability baj neg

'but they were not able to bring it [to him].'

(119) Cicada, S. 30

Amag**ala** ləmes. ama-g**=ala** dep-do=to lɪmɛʃ song 'He was singing towards [the chief's house].' (lit. to do towards a song)

(120) Cicada, S. 31 Sen **ala.** ʃɛŋ**=ala** id:go=to 'Going, [he] came [to the chief's house].'

### 7.5 Verbal extensions

Sometimes the directional *=ala* 'towards' (see see Section 7.5.2) can carry a Perfect kind of idea (an event being completed before a temporal reference point with ongoing effects to that time) but which has a slightly different connotation to the Perfect extension *=va*. Compare (121) and (122). Use of the directional *=ala* 'towards' (121) with the verb /z m<sup>o</sup> / indicates that the person has already eaten, but at some other location, since the directional gives the idea that food has come to the speaker. Use of the Perfect itself (122) indicates that the person has finished eating (at the place where he is sitting). As such, the directional *=ala* may be in the process of becoming grammaticalised for past tense or a subtype of Perfect.

(121) Nəzəm**ala** toho.

nə̀-zəm**=ala** tɔhʷɔ

1s+pfv-eat=to dem

'I already ate over there (some other person's house – before I arrived here).'

(122) Nəzəm**va** pew.

nə̀-zəm**=va** pɛw

1s+pfv-eat=prf enough

'I already ate/ I have eaten enough (here in this place since I arrived here).'

Likewise, the verb /s kʷ m/ 'buy/sell' is given a Perfect idea when it carries the *=ala* extension. In (108), the goat has come to the speaker. There is no Perfect extension *=va* but the idea is accomplished through the directional *=ala*.

(123) Nəskom na **ala awak**.

nʊ̀-sʊkʷʊm 1s+pfv-buy/sell na**=ala** 3s.do=to **awak** goat

'I bought the goat (and it is mine now).'

### **7.5.3 Perfect**

The final extension is =*va*, the Perfect (Friesen & Mamalis 2008). The Perfect marks events or states as having occurred prior to a particular point of reference, with ongoing effect that continues to that point of reference (Comrie 1976). The Perfect extension is bolded in the examples.

### 7 The verb complex


waya nəl**va** afa səwpərefe. waja because nə̀-l=**va** 1s+pfv-go=prf afa at house of suwpɪrɛfɛ sub prefect 'because I had already been to the sub-prefect [and he didn't help me].'


Unlike the other extensions, the Perfect enclitic has two possible positions in the verb phrase. It can either be phonologically bound to the right edge of the verbal complex (see Section 7.1) or to the right edge of the clause (Chapter 8) after the direct object and adpositionals. In (124–127, 131), =*va* follows the adpositional and directional extensions in the verb complex and precedes other elements in the verb phrase. In (129) and (132), =*va* occurs at the end of the clause, a rarer construction that presumably occurs to underscore the idea that the event is already finished.

7.5 Verbal extensions

(129) Disobedient Girl, S. 17 Azləna, hor na, asərkala afa təta **va** na, aɮəna but hʷɔr woman na psp à-sərk=ala 3s+pfv-habitually=to afa at house of təta**=va** 3p=prf na psp 'Now, that woman, she was in the habit at their place' aməhaya háy na, gam.

amə-h=aja dep-grind=plu haj millet na psp gam a lot '[of] grinding a lot of millet.'

The Perfect extension has neutral prosody itself and causes the loss of palatalisation of the verb stem (compare 130–131 where the stem is /s-j<sup>e</sup> /). Also, verb stems drop their /-j/ suffix when this extension is present. These features all confirm that *=va* is an enclitic. In (130) without the Perfect, the verb stem is palatalised. When the verb carries the Perfect extension (131), the stem loses its palatalisation.

(130) Nese gəzom. nɛ̀-ʃ-ɛ 1s+pfv-drink-cl gʊzɔm millet beer 'I drank millet beer.'

(131) Nasa**va** gəzom. nà-sa=**va** 1s+pfv-drink=prf gʊzɔm millet beer 'I drank millet beer already.'

Notably, palatalisation is lost even when there are intervening words (132), even though the prosody of these words is unaffected.

(132) Nasa gəzom **va**. nà-sa 1s+pfv-drink gʊzɔm=**va** millet beer=prf 'I drank millet beer already.'

Likewise (133) illustrates the loss of palatalisation from the root /g-j <sup>e</sup> / 'do' when the Perfect is added.

7 The verb complex

(133) Ləho aga**va**. lʊhʷɔ late afternoon à-ga**=va** 3s+pfv-do=prf

> 'It is the cool of the day (after three o'clock).' (lit. late afternoon has done)

Bow (1997c) established that the Perfect extension<sup>30</sup> carries a floating tone. Its underlying tone is HL. She demonstrates the floating tone using two verbs with different tone melodies; the high tone verb /bal-j/ 'wash' (134–135) and the low tone verb /a-dar-j/ 'plant' (136– 137), both with the object noun [háj] 'millet.' (134) and (136) show the two clauses without the Perfect for comparison. Comparing (135) with (137) demonstrates that the floating low tone on the Perfect has lowered the tone of 'millet' from high to mid since there is no other low tone apparent that could be responsible for the lowering.


The Perfect extension can mark information in a relative clause (Section 5.4.3) as having been accomplished before the information in the main clause, with relevance to the point of reference in the main clause (138).

<sup>30</sup>Bow (1997c) called it an aspect or tense marker.

7.5 Verbal extensions

(138) War elé háy ngəndəye nok ameze na **va**, bəlen ngəndəye na, war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet ŋgɪndijɛ dem [nɔkʷ 2s amɛ-ʒɛɗ-ɛ dep-take-cl na**=va**] 3s.do=prf bɪlɛŋ one ŋgɪndijɛ dem na psp 'That grain that you have taken, that one [grain],'

káahaya kə ver aka. káá-h=aja 2s+pot-grind=plu kə on vɛr grinding stone aka on 'grind it on the grinding stone.'

When the Perfect co-occurs with Perfective aspect (124–129, 135, 137), it indicates that the event expressed by the verb took place before the point of reference established in the discourse. When the Perfect co-occurs with Imperfective aspect (139–142), the verb is resultative, referring to an ongoing state that is the result of a previous completed event (filling, becoming tired, ripening, or becoming angry).


(142) Disobedient Girl, S. 33 Məloko ahay tawəy, "Hərmbəlom ága ɓərav **va** mʊlɔkʷɔ=ahaj Moloko=Pl tawij 3p+said Hʊrmbʊlɔm God á-ga 3s+ifv-do ɓərav**=va** heart=prf 'The Molokos say, "God got angry'

### 7 The verb complex

kəwaya war dalay na, amecen sləmay bay ngəndəye." kuwaja because war child dalaj girl na psp amɛ-tʃɛŋ dep-hear ɬəmaj ear baj neg ŋgɪndijɛ dem 'because of that girl, that one that was disobedient."'

In narrative discourse, the Perfect verbal extension *=va* marks events that occur prior to the events on the main story line, and which supply flashback information to the story. For example, in the setting of the Disobedient Girl story (S. 2), the Perfect marks God giving his blessing to the people. This blessing preceded the events of the story (143) and had an ongoing effect at the time of the story.

(143) Disobedient Girl, S. 3

Zlezle na, Məloko ahay na, Hərmbəlom ávəlata barka **va**. ɮlɛɮɛ long ago na psp Mʊlɔkʷɔ=ahaj Moloko=Pl na psp Hʊrmbʊlɔm God á-vəl=ata 3s+ifv-send=3p.io barka=**va** blessing=prf 'Long ago, to the Moloko people, God had given his blessing.'

In the body of the Disobedient Girl story (129 above), the story flashes back to the woman's prior situation, using the Perfect, in order to prepare the reader/hearer for what will happen next in the story. In the body of another fable (the race between the giraffe and the toad, Friesen 2003), the Perfect marks a flashback to a prior action of the toad.

(144) Macəkəmbay moktonok na, abək ta aya **va** matsəkəmbaj meantime mɔkʷtɔnɔkʷ toad na psp a-bək 3s-invite ta=aja=**va** 3p.do=plu=prf 'In the meantime the toad, he had already invited' məlama ahan ahay jəyga. məlama=ahaŋ=ahaj brother=3s.poss=Pl dzijga all

'all of his brothers.'

7.6 Nominalised verb form

### **7.6 Nominalised verb form**

The nominalised verb form<sup>31</sup> is derived from a verb stem by the addition of the prefix /*m-*/ plus a palatalised suffix [-ɛ].<sup>32</sup> Syntactically, the nominalised form can pattern as a noun (see Section 7.6.1), and in certain cases it can pattern as a verb, taking some inflectional components such as object suffixes and extensions (see Section 7.6.2). In the examples below, both underlying and nominalised forms are given. The nominalised form indicates an event (race, 145; betrayal, 146) or state (beauty, 147; coldness, 148).


In the case where a verb stem consists of one single consonant, the nominalised form receives an additional syllable [-ijɛ].


If present, the underlying *a-* prefix in a verb stem shows up in the prefix vowel of the nominalised form. The prefix vowel in an *a-* prefix verb is full; in (152) and (153), this full vowel is realised as [ɛ] due to the palatalisation prosody which is part of the nominalising morphology. Compare with (145–148) where [mɪ-] is the prefix for verb stems with no *a-* prefix.

<sup>31</sup>Friesen & Mamalis (2008) called this form the 'infinitive.'

<sup>32</sup>There is also an irregular nominalisation process that has already been discussed (Section 4.2).

### 7 The verb complex


The tone pattern of the nominalised form reflects the underlying tone of the verb stem. Table 7.15 (from Friesen & Mamalis 2008) illustrates a few nominalised forms that suggest this pattern.


Table 7.15: Nominalised form tone patterns

### **7.6.1 Nominalised form as noun**

As a noun, the nominalised form takes modifiers the same as any abstract noun, i.e., quantifier (155) , numeral (156), possessive pronoun (154), demonstrative (157), adjectiviser (158–160) but not plural (see Section 4.2.5). Any argument of the clause can be realised with a nominalisation. The noun phrase is marked off by square brackets and the nominalised form is bolded in the examples.

(154) [**Məhəme** aloko na], epeley? [**mɪ-hɪm-ɛ**=alɔkʷɔ nom-run-cl=1Pin.poss na] psp ɛpɛlɛj when 'When is our race?' (lit. our running [is] when) 7.6 Nominalised verb form

(155) Disobedient Girl, S. 4 Ávata [**məvəye** haɗa]. á-v=ata 3s+ifv-spend time=3p.io [**mɪ-v-ijɛ** nom-spend time-cl haɗa] many 'It would last them the whole year.' (lit. it will spend time for them many time-spending33)


Adjectives can be further derived from a nominalised verb form by adding *ga*, as is true of any noun (Section 4.3). Adjectives that are derived from nominalised verbs express resultant states. For example, the peanuts in (158) are already ground, the woman in (159) is already beautiful, the man is already seated in (160). The nominalised forms are bolded in the examples.


<sup>33</sup>The nominalised form of the verb 'spend time' has been lexicalized as 'year.'

### 7 The verb complex

It is interesting that noun phrases where the head noun is a nominalised verb behave like a clause when there is a noun modifier. The nominalised verb can be the head of a genitive construction (see Section 5.4.1), a permanent attribution construction (see Section 5.4.2), or an argument in another clause (see Section 12.1.1). In the genitive construction (154 and 164), the second noun represents the subject of the verb stem. In the other constructions (161–162), the second noun represents the direct object of the nominalised verb.


### **7.6.2 Nominalised form as verb**

The nominalised form can fill the verb slot in a clause (discussed further in Section 8.2.3 and Section 9.4). Examples (165) and (166) are full (complete) clauses on the main event line where the verb is in nominalised form. Such clauses are found at the inciting moment and peak of a narrative. The nominalised form is not conjugated for subject or direct object, but the clause may have a subject (the 3s pronoun *ndahan* in 165) or direct object (*yam* 'water' in 165) and other clausal elements. The nominalised form can take verbal extensions (3p indirect object *=ata*, adpositional *=aka* and Perfect *=va* in 165; the adpositional *=ava* and the directional *=alay* in 166).

7.6 Nominalised verb form

(165) Ndahan ngah **mangəhata aka va** yam a ver ahan ava. ndahaŋ 3s ŋgah hide **ma-ŋgəh=ata=aka=va** nom-hide=3p.io=on=prf jam water a in vɛr=ahaŋ room=3s.poss ava in 'He had hidden the water in his room' (lit. he hide-hiding water in his room)

(166) Məmətava alay a ver ava. mə-mət=ava=alaj nom-die=in=away a in vɛr room ava in '[She] died in the room.'

### **7.6.3 Verb focus construction**

The nominalised form of a verb is used in an idiomatic construction that functions to bring focus on the verb. The verb focus construction is composed of an inflected verb followed by an adpositional phrase (see Section 5.6.1) containing the same verb in nominalised form. (167) shows the construction *nəskom nə məskwəme* 'I really did buy it' (lit. I bought [it] with buying). This construction specifies that the action is done 'by means of' or 'by actually' doing something (to the exclusion of all other possibilities). It is used by the speaker to contest a real or implied challenge of the validity of what has been said. In (167), the speaker is saying that he actually bought a particular item, i.e. he didn't steal it and nobody gave it to him. Likewise, (168–170) illustrate other verbs in this construction.

(167) Awəy, "Nəskom **nə məskwəme."** awij said nʊ-sʊkʷɔm 1s-buy **nə** with **mɪ-søkʷøm-ɛ** nom-buy-cl 'He said, "I actually bought it."' (lit. I bought it with buying)

(168) Káslay awak **nə məsləye**. ká-ɬ-aj 2s+ifv-slay-cl awak goat **nə** with **mɪ-ɬ-ijɛ** nom-slay-cl 'You kill goats by cutting their throat and not by any other way' (lit. you slay a goat with slaying)

(169) Kákaɗ okfom **nə məkəɗe**. Káslay bay. ká-kaɗ 2s+ifv-kill(club) ɔkʷfɔm mouse **nə** with **mɪ-kɪɗ-ɛ** nom-kill(club)-cl ká-ɬ-aj 2s+ifv-slay-cl baj neg 'You kill mice by smashing their head; you don't cut their throats.'

### 7 The verb complex

(170) Kándaz **nə məndəze** awak anga pəra. ká-ndaz 2s+ifv-kill(pierce) **nə** with **mɪ-ndɪʒ-ɛ** nom-kill(pierce)-cl awak goat aŋga poss pəra idol 'You kill a goat for the idols by piercing it (you don't cut its throat).' (lit. you kill with killing a goat that belongs to an idol)

### **7.7 Dependent verb forms**

A dependent verb form is formed by prefixing *am-* to the verb stem, palatalisation, and the suffix *-e* (or *-əye* for verb roots of one syllable). Historically, this construction may involve the nominalised form (see Section 7.6) preceded by the preposition *a* 'to.'<sup>34</sup> In any case it acts as a single unit now. Table 7.16 shows examples of the dependent verb form for stems of each underlying prosody. The table gives the underlying form, the third person singular form, the nominalised form, and the dependent form.


Table 7.16: Dependent verb forms

*<sup>a</sup>*Note that the labialised consonant /kʷ/ keeps its labialisation even when the word is palatalised (Section 2.2.2).

There are no subject inflections on the dependent verb form; the subject is determined either by the subject of the matrix clause (a gap for subject is marked as Ø in 171, 173, and 174) or a pronoun within the dependent clause indicating subject (172–176). The dependent form of the verb may receive object suffixes and extensions. The dependent verb form is used when clauses that carry an imperfective or unfinished idea are embedded in other constructions. The clause structure is illustrated in Figure 7.5.

<sup>34</sup>Crosslinguistic studies reveal that locatives can give rise to Imperfectives (Comrie 1976: 103; Bybee, Perkins & Pagliuca 1994: 142; Heine & Kuteva 2002: 99).

7.7 Dependent verb forms


Figure 7.5: Constituent order in dependent clauses

The types of clauses that employ dependent verb forms are:


The relative clause is a noun phrase modifier (171–176). In the examples in this section, the dependent verb is bolded and the dependent clause is marked with square brackets.

(171) Disobedient Girl, S. 38 War dalay ga ngendəye war child dalaj girl ga adj ŋgɛndijɛ dem

'that young woman '

[**amazata aka ala** avəya nengehe ana məze ahay na.] [Ø **ama-z=ata=aka=ala** dep-carry=3p.io=on=to avija suffering nɛŋgɛhɛ dem ana dat mɪʒɛ=ahaj person=Pl na] psp 'that had brought this suffering to the people.'

(172) Tasan oko ana hay [ata **aməgəye na va**]. ta-s-aŋ 3p-cut=3s.do ɔkʷɔ fire ana dat haj[=atəta house =3p.poss **amɪ-g-ijɛ** dep-do-cl **na=va**] 3s.do=prf 'They (the attackers) set fire to the house that the others had built (lit. their house to prepare).'

Adverbial clauses in Moloko are subordinate temporal clauses that are embedded in the main clause as the first (173) or last (174) element.

### 7 The verb complex


Kəlen albaya ahay tolo [**amazala** agwazla na]. kɪlɛŋ then albaja=ahaj young men=Pl tɔ-lɔ 3p-go [Ø **ama-z=ala** dep-take=to agʷaɮa spp. of tree na] psp 'Then the young men went to try to bring back the tree [to the chief].'

The complement clause can function as the subject (175) or the direct object (176) of the matrix verb.

(175) Asaŋ [**amadata aka va** azan].

a-s=aŋ 3s-please=3s.io [Ø **ama-d=ata=aka=va** dep-prepare=3p.io=on=prf azaŋ] temptation 'He wanted to tempt them.' (lit. to prepare a temptation for them [is] pleasing to him)

(176) Məkəɗ va azla tazlan [aləme **aməzləge** va]. mə-kəɗ nom-kill va body aɮa now ta-ɮ=aŋ 3p-begin=3s.io [alɪmɛ 1Pex.poss **amɪ-ɮɪg-ɛ** dep-plant-cl va] body 'Combat now, they began to fight with us.' (lit. killing body now, they started it, our planting bodies)

## **8 Verb phrase**

The verb phrase is the third of four chapters that concern the Moloko verb. Chapter 6 explores the structural features of the verb root and stem. Chapter 7 discusses what we have called the verb complex, which is a phonological unit consisting of the verb stem plus the pronominal affixes and enclitics, aspect/mood markings, and verbal extensions. These components are closely phonologically bound even though they may comprise from one to three phonological words. The chapter also covers derived forms. Chapter 9 describes verb types and transitivity. Moloko has a flexible valence system which allows variations in the transitivity of a given verb with no morphological marking. This chapter<sup>1</sup> concerns the structure and functions of the verb phrase. Section 8.1 describes the constituents of the verb phrase and their order. Section 8.2 shows auxiliary verb constructions where two verbs form a syntactic unit.

### **8.1 Verb phrase constituents**

The verb phrase in Moloko is centred around the verb complex (bolded in Figure 8.1, cf. Chapter 7). Other elements are all optional and occur in the order diagrammed in Figure 8.1.


Figure 8.1: Moloko verb phrase constituents

The auxiliary verbs include the progressive (see Section 8.2.1), the verb *lo* 'go' when used as an auxiliary (see Section 8.2.2), and the verb stem or ideophone in its construction (see Section 8.2.3).

Direct objects follow immediately after the verb complex and are expressed as noun phrases (bolded in 1 and 5) or 'body-part' incorporated nouns (bolded in 2; see Section 9.2.5). Adpositional phrases (underlined in 2–6, see Section 5.6) and then adverbs (italicised in 4 and 5; see Section 3.5) or ideophone (italicised in 1

<sup>1</sup>This chapter is adapted from Friesen & Mamalis (2008).

### 8 Verb phrase

and 6; see Section 3.6) follow after the direct object. The verb phrase is delimited by square brackets in the examples below.


Radford (1981: 69) gives diagnostic criteria for determining whether a given string of words is a sentence constituent or not. Following these criteria, all of the above elements are part of the verb phrase as a constituent of the clause. The elements of the verb phrase behave distributionally as a single structural unit that does not permit intrusion of parenthetical elements internally, but rather only 8.1 Verb phrase constituents

at the boundaries. For Moloko, the distribution of adverbs, emphatic interrogative pronouns, ideophones, the Perfect enclitic, and the manner of fronting all attest to the unity of the verb phrase as described above. Only the presupposition marker can intrude into the verb phrase, and only in a particular construction. Each of these factors is discussed below.

Some temporal adverbs (bolded in 7–8) can occur first in the clause or last in the verb phrase , but not in the interior of the verb phrase. Likewise, emphatic interrogative pronouns (bolded in 9) occur first or last in the clause (see Section 10.3.5).


Ideophones have only three slots within the clause: First in the clause (10),<sup>2</sup> first in verb phrase (11, see Section 8.2.3),<sup>3</sup> last in verb phrase (12). The ideophones are italicised in the examples.

(10) Snake, S. 13 *Kaləw* [nazala ezlere əwla]. *kaluw* id:take quickly [nà-z=ala 1s+pfv-take=to ɛɮɛrɛ=uwla] spear=1s.poss 'I quickly took my spear.'

<sup>2</sup>Note that an ideophone that is first in the clause is sometimes delimited by *na* (19).

<sup>3</sup>When the ideophone is first in the verb phrase it necessitates the nominalised form of the verb Section 8.2.3.

### 8 Verb phrase

(11) Cicada, S. 15 Ndahan [*gədok* mədəye gəzom]. ndahaŋ 3s [*gʊdɔkʷ* id:prepare beer mɪ-d-ijɛ nom-prepare-cl gʊzɔm beer ] 'He *gədok* made millet beer.'

(12) Snake, S. 5

[Acar a hay kəre ava *fo fo fo*]. [à-tsar 3s+pfv-climb a at haj house kɪrɛ beams ava in *fɔ fɔ fɔ*] id:sound of snake '[The snake] climbed into the beams in the roof *fo fo fo*.'

The distribution and influence of the Perfect enclitic *=va* also attests to the unity of the post-verbal elements in the verb phrase. The Perfect enclitic *=va* (bolded in 13–16), can either cliticise to the end of the verb complex (13) or the end of the entire verb phrase (14–16). The phonological influence of the Perfect extends across the entire verb phrase since its presence in either post-verbal or phrase-final position causes a neutralisation of the prosody on the verb stem (see Section 7.5.3).


8.1 Verb phrase constituents

(16) Nde hor na, [asərkala afa təta **va**]. . . ndɛ so hʷɔr woman na psp [a-sərk=ala 3s-habitually=to afa at house of təta 3p.poss =**va**] =prf 'Now, that woman, she was in the habit at their house of . . .'

Only certain elements in the verb phrase can be fronted in the clause and marked with the presupposition marker *na* (see Section 11.2 for the explanation of this construction). The fact that some elements cannot be fronted indicates that they are closely bound to the verb phrase structure. These elements include the 'body-part' incorporated noun (cf. Section 9.3), the negative (see Section 10.2.1), and adverbs which are bound to the negative. Some of these elements are from the far right edge of the verb phrase. The elements that may be fronted are underlined in (17–19) and include direct object and oblique (17), derived adverb (18), indirect object and ideophone (19).

(17) Values, S. 13

A məsəyon ava na ele ahay aməwəsle na, [tége bay]. a at mʊsijɔŋ mission ava in na psp ɛlɛ =ahaj thing=Pl amɪ-wuɬ-ɛ dep-forbid-cl na psp [tɛ́-g-ɛ 3p+ifv-do-cl baj] neg 'In the church, these things that they have forbidden, they don't do.'

(18) Values, S. 39

Pepenna na, [takaɗ sla]. pɛpɛŋ long ago =ŋa =adv na psp [tà-kaɗ 3p+pfv-kill ɬa] cow 'Long ago, they killed cows.'

(19) Values, S. 3

Səwat na, təta a məsəyon na ava nəndəye na, suwat id:disperse na psp təta 3p a at mʊsijɔŋ mission na psp ava in nɪndijɛ dem na psp 'As the people go home from church,' (lit. disperse, they in the mission there),' [pester áhata], "Ey, ele nehe na, kógom bay!" [pɛʃtɛr pastor á-h=ata] 3s+ifv-tell=3p.io ɛj hey ɛlɛ thing nɛhɛ dem na psp kɔ́-gʷ-ɔm 2+ifv-do-2p baj neg

'the Pastor told them, "Hey! These things, don't do them!"'

### 8 Verb phrase

The only construction where an external element can appear to break up the verb phrase is the focus construction (20–22) (see Section 11.5) where the presupposition marker *na* can appear to break up parts of the verb phrase. However the structural unity of the verb phrase unit is not challenged since *na* can occur only once within the verb phrase in this construction and only in one position – immediately before the final focussed element. *Na* does not intrude into any other position. In each of (20–22), the penultimate placing of *na* (bolded) functions to make the final element of the verb phrase more prominent. In each example, only the verb phrase containing *na* is delimited by square brackets and the part delimited by *na* is underlined. In (20), *na* occurs in the adverbial clause just before the verb phrase-final adverb *gam* 'much,' making prominent the fact that the woman was going to grind *a lot* of millet. In (21), *na* occurs in the matrix clause just before the adpositional phrase (*ka mahay ango aka* 'by your door'), highlighting the desire to have the tree by the chief's door. In (22) the final element of the verb phrase *anga way* 'belonging to whom' is highlighted in the rhetorical question which focussed on the fact that the people obeyed neither God's word nor that of the elders.

(20) Disobedient Girl, S. 17

Azləna, hor **na**, asərkala afa təta va **na**, aɮəna but hʷɔr woman **na** psp [à-sərk=ala 3s+pfv-habitually=to afa at place of təta=va 3p=prf **na**] psp 'Now, that woman, she was in the habit at their place'

[aməhaya háy **na** gam]. [amə-h=aja dep-grind=plu haj millet **na** psp gam] a lot '[of] grinding a lot of millet.'

(21) Cicada, S. 7

Mama agwazla ava a ləhe **na**, malan ga **na**, mama mother agʷaɮa spp. of tree ava ext a at lɪhɛ bush **na** psp malaŋ large ga adj **na** psp

'There is a mother-tree in the bush, a big one,'

[agasaka **na** ka mahay ango aka] aməmbese.

[à-gas=aka **na** ka mahaj=aŋgʷɔ aka] àmɪ-mbɛʃ-ɛ

3s+pfv-get=on psp on door=2s.poss on dep-rest-cl

'[and] it would please you to have that tree at your door, [so that you could] rest [under it].'

8.2 Auxiliary verb constructions

(22) Values, S. 29 Hərmbəlom **na**, amaɗaslava ala məze **na**, ndahan ese **na**, Hʊrmbʊlɔm God **na** psp ama-ɗaɬ=ava=ala dep-multiply=in=to mɪʒɛ person **na** psp ndahaŋ 3s ɛʃɛ again **na** psp 'God, the one who mltiplied the people, him again,'

[kagas ma Hərmbəlom na asabay] **na**, [ka-gas 2s-catch ma word Hʊrmbʊlɔm God **na** psp asa-baj] again-neg **na** psp '[if] you no longer accept the word of God,'

[káagas **na** anga way]? [káá-gas 2s+pot-catch **na** psp anga poss waj] who

'You won't listen to anyone.' (lit. 'whose [word] will you accept?')

### **8.2 Auxiliary verb constructions**

In an auxiliary verb construction in Moloko, two verbs (or a verb plus an ideophone) form a syntactic unit and, consequently, have the same subject. The second verb is the main verb in the construction. Together the two verbs comprise the head of just one clause, with only one set of core participants and obliques that semantically are related to the second (main) verb.

This section presents three auxiliary verb constructions. In the first two constructions, both main and auxiliary verbs are inflected. These constructions express progressive aspect (Section 8.2.1) and movement from one place to another (Section 8.2.2). The third construction consists of a verb stem or ideophone plus the main verb which is in the nominalised form (Section 8.2.3). We consider this third construction to be an auxiliary construction even though the verb stem/ideophone does not carry much of the inflectional information normally associated with auxiliaries (stems and ideophones carry neither subject and object agreement nor aspect and mode marking).<sup>4</sup> However, the verb stem/ideophone construction demonstrates the same structure as the progressive and movement auxiliary constructions and the stem/ideophone functions as an auxiliary in that it adds grammatical information to the main verb.

<sup>4</sup>These criteria for verb auxiliaries are given by Payne (1997: 84).

### 8 Verb phrase

### **8.2.1 Progressive auxiliary**

Friesen & Mamalis (2008) found that the progressive expresses the idea of an action in progress, an event that doesn't take place all at once.<sup>5</sup> It is formed with *nday* 'to be' (see Section 9.2.1) plus the main verb (23–25). The auxiliary *nday* occurs as the first of two verbs in a verb phrase. The main verb takes all subject affixes and also any inflections or obliques. In the examples, the progressive is bolded and the verb phrase is delimited by square brackets.


Both of the verbs are marked for subject. In plural forms that take subject prefix and suffix (1p and 2p, 26 and 27), *nday* takes subject prefixes only.<sup>6</sup>


<sup>5</sup>Note that the verb *nday* can occur alone as the main verb of a clause Section 9.2.1. When it does, the complement expresses the location of the subject. For example, *Hawa anday a mogom* 'Hawa is at home'.

<sup>6</sup> Some Moloko say that the plural form is *nondomoy*, but most use the reduced form.

8.2 Auxiliary verb constructions

The progressive auxiliary does not co-occur with the Perfect enclitic (see Section 7.5.3), nor does the iterative reduplicative construction (see Section 7.4.5) combine with the progressive auxiliary.

In discourse, progressive aspect is used to mark an event that is in progress in a Moloko text. It is not necessarily in the background, but indicates durative or ongoing dynamic events. In the Cicada setting (28), there is a progressive in a tail-head link (see Section 11.1.3) showing what the young men were doing when they found the tree.

(28) Cicada, S. 3-5 Albaya ahay aba. albaja=ahaj young man=Pl aba ext 'There were some young men.' **Tánday** tə́talay a ləhe. **tá-ndaj** 3p+ifv-prg tə́-tal-aj 3p+ifv-walk-cl a at lɪhɛ bush 'They were walking in the bush.' **Tánday** tə́talay a ləhe na, **tá-ndaj** 3p+ifv-prg tə́-tal-aj 3p+ifv-walk-cl a at lɪhɛ bush na psp '[As] they were walking in the bush,' tolo tənjakay agwazla malan ga a ləhe.

tə̀-lɔ 3p+pfv-go tə̀-nzak-aj 3p+pfv-find-cl agʷaɮa spp. of tree malaŋ large ga adj a at lɪhɛ bush 'they went and found a large tree (a particular species) in the bush.'

Also, progressives are used in expository texts that give the ongoing state of the world and show reasons for the way things are. Example (29) from the Disobedient Girl story shows the entire reported speech when the husband explains to his wife the way things work for the Moloko. For most of the explanation, the verbs are Imperfective (see Section 7.4.2). However, the reason that the millet multiplied – namely, that God used to multiply millet for the Moloko – is given in the final line of his speech. The verb form for the reason is progressive (bolded in the example). Here, the progressive is marking an important ongoing event.

(29) Disobedient Girl, S. 13 Awəy, awij 'He said,' "Hor golo, afa ləme na, mənjəye aləme na, kəyga ehe: hʷɔr woman gʷɔlɔ hon afa at place lɪmɛ 1Pex na psp mɪ-nʒ-ijɛ=alɪmɛ nom-sit-cl=1Pex.poss na psp kijga like this ɛhɛ here '"My dear wife, here at our (exclusive) place, it is like this:' asa asok aməhaya na, asa if à-s=ɔkʷ 3s+pfv-please=2s.io amə-h=aja dep-grind=plu na psp 'If you want to grind,' kázaɗ war elé a háy bəlen. ká-zaɗ 2s+ifv-take war child ɛlɛ eye a gen haj millet bɪlɛŋ one 'you take only one grain.' War elé háy bəlen ga nəndəye nok amezəɗe na, war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one ga adj nɪndijɛ dem nɔkʷ 2s amɛ-ʒɪɗ-ɛ dep-take-cl na psp 'That one grain that you have taken,' káhaya na kə ver aka. ká-h=aja 2s+ifv-grind=plu na 3s.do kə on vɛr grinding stone aka on 'grind it on the grinding stone.' Ánjaloko de pew. á-nz=alɔkʷɔ 3s+ifv-suffice=1Pin.io dɛ just pɛw enough 'It will suffice for all of us just enough.' Ádaloko ha ámbaɗ ese. á-d=alɔkʷɔ 3s+ifv-prepare=1Pin.io ha until á-mbaɗ 3s+ifv-left over ɛʃɛ again 'It will make food for all of us, until there is some left over.'

8.2 Auxiliary verb constructions

Waya a məhaya ahan ava na, waja because a at mə-h=aja=ahaŋ nom-grind=plu=3s.poss ava in na psp 'Because, while you grind (lit. because in its grinding),

Hərmbəlom **anday** ásakaləme na aka." Hʊrmbʊlɔm God **a-ndaj** 3s-prog á-sak=alɪmɛ 3s+ifv-multiply=1Pex.io na 3s.do aka on 'God is multiplying it for us."'

Progressives are also found in the peak section of a narrative where they function to slow down the events and draw the reader into the action. Example (30) shows the entire peak section of the Disobedient Girl. In the story (shown in its entirety in Section 1.5), there is a battle between the disobedient girl and the millet itself. The millet has a supernatural ability to expand, and eventually triumphs over the girl. Verbs in the progressive form (bolded in the example) mark the ongoing multiplication of the millet (S. 23) while the girl is grinding as well as the girl's ongoing grinding (S. 25) while the room is filling up with flour.

(30) Disobedient Girl, S. 20 Jo madala háy na, gam. dzɔ id:take ma-d=ala nom-prepare=to haj millet na psp gam a lot '[She] prepared lots of millet.' S. 21 Ndahan bah məbehe háy ahan ndahaŋ 3s bax pour mɪ-bɛh-ɛ nom-pour-cl haj=ahaŋ millet=3s.poss 'She poured her millet' amadala na kə ver aka azla. ama-d=ala dep-prepare=to na 3s.do kə on vɛr stone aka on aɮa now 'to prepare it on the grinding stone.' S. 22 Njəw njəw njəw aməhaya azla. nzuw nzuw nzuw id:grind amə-h=aja dep-grind=plu aɮa now '*Njəw njəw njəw* [she] ground [the millet] now.' S. 23 Həmbo na ɗəw **anday ásak ásak ásak.** hʊmbɔ flour na psp ɗuw also **a-ndaj** 3s-prg **á-sak** 3s+ifv-multiply **á-sak** 3s+ifv-multiply **á-sak** 3s+ifv-multiply 'The flour, it was multiplying [and] multiplying [and] multiplying. S. 24 Ndahan na, ndahan aka njəw njəw njəw. ndahaŋ 3s na psp ndahaŋ 3s aka ext+on nzuw nzuw nzuw id:grind 'And she, she is grinding some more *njəw njəw njəw*.' S. 25 **Anday ahaya** nə məzere ləmes ga. **à-ndaj** 3s+pfv-prg **à-h=aja** 3s+pfv-grind=plu nə with mɪ-ʒɛr-ɛ nom-do well-cl lɪmɛʃ song ga adj 'She is grinding while singing well.' S. 26 Alala na, ver na árah mbaf, nə həmbo na, a-l=ala 3s-go=to na psp vɛr room na psp á-rəx 3s+ifv-fill mbaf id:up to the roof nə with hʊmbɔ flour na psp 'After a while, the room, it filled up to the roof with the flour.' ɗək məɗəkaka alay ana hor na, ɗək plug mə-ɗək=aka=alaj nom-plug=on=away ana dat hʷɔr woman na psp '[The flour] suffocated the woman (lit. plugged [the room] for the woman [so there was no place for her to even breathe].' nata ndahan dəɓəsolək məmətava alay a hoɗ a hay na ava. nata and then ndahaŋ 3s dʊɓʊsɔlʊk id:collapse/die mə-mət=ava=alaj nom-die=in=away a at hʷɔɗ stomach a gen haj house na psp ava in 'And she collapsed *dəɓəsolək*, dying inside the house.'

8.2 Auxiliary verb constructions

### **8.2.2 Movement auxiliary**

The verb *lo* 'go' is often found together with a second verb within the same verb phrase to express the idea of movement from one place to another, in order to accomplish the event expressed by the main verb (Friesen & Mamalis 2008). In (31–34), both verbs are conjugated, but only the second takes extensions or other verb phrase elements. In the examples, the verb *lo* is bolded and the verb phrase is delimited by square brackets.

(31) Cicada, S. 5

[**Tə-lo** tənjakay agwazla malan ga a ləhe]. [**tə̀-lɔ** 3p+pfv-go tə̀-nzak-aj 3p+pfv-find-cl agʷaɮa spp. of tree malaŋ large ga adj a to lɪhɛ] bush

'They went and found a large tree (a particular species) in the bush.'

(32) Values, S. 18

[**Ólo** ában ana baba ahan]. [**ɔ́-lɔ** 3s+ifv-go á-b=aŋ 3s+ifv-hit=3s.io ana dat baba=ahaŋ] father=3s.poss 'He goes and hits his father.'


### **8.2.3 Stem plus ideophone auxiliary**

Friesen & Mamalis (2008) discovered that pivotal events at the high points in a narrative may be coded with a particular verb phrase construction in which an ideophone or the uninflected stem form of a verb is followed by the main verb in its nominalised form (35–37, see Section 7.6.2). In the stem plus verb construction, the stem and main verb are normally formed from the same verb root. Note that it is the stem that is used in the construction (not the root) since the /-j/ suffix is present (37). Neither the main verb nor the auxiliary is inflected for subject, and

### 8 Verb phrase

the clause often has no noun phrase to indicate subject (35, 38–40, 44). When a subject noun phrase is present, it can only be a full free pronoun (36–37, 41– 43, 45). The main verb can have direct and indirect object pronominals and other extensions (36 and 37). In the following examples, the verb phrase is delimited by square brackets and the verb stem plus ideophone are bolded.


pʊrgʷɔm=ahaj] trap=Pl 'He made the traps out of grass.'

(38) Disobedient Girl, S. 12

Sen ala na zar ahan na, ʃɛn=ala id:go=to na psp zar=ahaŋ man=3s.poss na psp

'Then, her husband,'

[**dək mədəkan na** mənjəye ata]. [**dək** instruct **mə-dək=aŋ** nom-instruct=3s.io **na** 3s.do mɪ-nʒ-ijɛ=atəta] nom-sit-cl=3p.poss 'instructed her in their habits (lit. instructing their sitting).'

In the case that there is an ideophone auxiliary (39–42), the ideophone occurs in the same slot as the verb stem auxiliary. Note that these ideophones are from entirely different roots than the verb stems.

(39) Disobedient Girl, S. 20 [**Jo madala** háy na gam]. [**dzɔ** id:take **ma-d=ala** nom-prepare=to haj millet na psp gam] a lot '[She] prepared lots of millet.'

(40) Disobedient Girl, S. 28 [**Pok mapalay** mahay na], [**pɔk** id:open **ma-p=alaj** nom-open=away mahaj door na] psp '[He] opened the door [and looked around];' həmbo [árah na a hoɗ a hay ava]. hʊmbɔ flour [á-rax 3s+ifv-fill na 3s.do a at hʷɔɗ stomach a gen haj house ava] in 'the flour filled the house.'


(43) Disobedient Girl, S. 26

Nata ndahan [**dəɓəsolək məmətava** alay a hoɗ a hay na ava]. nata and then ndahaŋ 3s [**dʊɓʊsɔlɔk** id:collapse/die **mə-mət=ava=alaj** nom-die=in=away a at hʷɔɗ stomach a gen

haj house na psp ava] in 'And she collapsed, dying inside the house.'

(44) Disobedient Girl, S. 31 [**Babək mələye na**]. [**babək** id:bury **mɪ-l-ijɛ** nom-bury-cl **na**] 3s.do 'She was buried.' (lit. burying it)

### 8 Verb phrase

(45) Snake, S. 18 Ne [**dəyday məkəɗe na aka**]. nɛ 1s [**dijdaj** id:approximately **mɪ-kɪɗ-ɛ** nom-kill-cl **na=aka**] 3s.do=on 'I clubbed it to death.' (lit. I approximately killing it on)

The stem or ideophone plus verb constructions mark significant events at the inciting moment and in the peak of a Moloko narrative. Example (38) is from the inciting moment of the Disobedient Girl story when the man instructs his wife. In the peak, the construction is seen when the woman prepares a lot of millet after having decided to disobey him (39), when she pours a lot of millet on the grinding stone (39), and when the millet suffocates her and she dies (43). In the dénouement there is another ideophone plus nominalised form construction when the husband opens the door and finds her (40). There are no other nominalised forms that fill the main verb slot in this text.

Because the subject, direct object, and indirect object are optional for this construction, the construction can be used in Moloko discourse as a narrative device to reduce the number of explicit grammatical relations in a clause (cf. Sections 3.6.3 and 9.4). The participants become indefinite in the construction and must be inferred from the context. The effect is to draw the hearer into the action of the moment. In (35), (39), and (40), the construction is completely noninflected for subject and has zero grammatical relations. The narrative effect is that in (35) and (39), the hearer only knows that someone is pouring something onto the grinding stone. In (40), it is as if the hearer is with the husband, looking into the house to find the woman. Likewise, in (44), the verb *mələye* 'bury' is non-conjugated for subject, making those who buried the dead woman 'out of sight' in the narrative.

## **9 Verb types and transitivity**

The way Moloko expresses transitivity is one of its remarkable features. Friesen & Mamalis (2008) reported that Moloko verb lexemes are underspecified with respect to transitivity. This chapter extends and deepens their work. Almost every Moloko verb can occur in clauses which are intransitive, transitive, or bitransitive and therefore cannot be classed as belonging to any one transitivity type. Even clauses with no grammatical arguments exist – a transitivity of zero. The unique way that the semantics of the verb are realised by the affixes and extensions is one of the things that shows the genius of the language.

It is important to understand four important features of Moloko verbs with respect to transitivity. The first is that there are two kinds of transitive constructions in Moloko and an Agent-Theme-Location semantic analysis is necessary to interpret these two constructions (Section 9.1). For transitive clauses, the grammatical relations of Moloko verbs directly and uniformly reflect the semantic picture. Subject expresses Agent. Direct object expresses semantic Theme, the core participant that literally or metaphorically changes state or position. Indirect object expresses semantic Location (loc) which can be (depending on the verb type) either a literal or a metaphorical loc (recipient or beneficiary).<sup>1</sup>

The second feature is that most Moloko verbs are ambitransitive – the same verb with the same morphology may occur in clauses that are bitransitive, transitive, or intransitive. Moloko verbs are divided into classes based on the type of transitive and ditransitive construction(s) that the verb has (Section 9.2). The third feature of Moloko verbs with respect to transitivity is that some verbs exhibit noun incorporation (Section 9.3). The final feature of Moloko verbs is that there are clauses with zero transitivity (Section 9.4).

With the exception of the reciprocal (see Section 9.2.5), there are no affixes, extensions, or particles that express changes in transitivity as might be expected in a Chadic language.<sup>2</sup> In Moloko, it is the number and type of grammatical relations that a verb has that reflects the semantics of the construction.

<sup>1</sup>This semantic picture holds for bitransitive clauses (Sections 9.2.4 and 9.2.5). For intransitive clauses, the subject can correspond to a range of semantic roles; it can be any one of Agent, Theme, or loc (Sections 9.2.4.2 and 9.2.5).

<sup>2</sup>Causative verbal extensions, for example, are widespread in Chadic languages (Newman 1977: 276).

### 9 Verb types and transitivity

### **9.1 Two kinds of transitive clauses**

Moloko has two kinds of transitive clauses – transitive clauses with subject and direct object (1–2) and transitive clauses with subject and indirect object (3–4). These two grammatically different transitive clauses illustrate that the semantics of Moloko verbs allows three core participants (represented by subject, direct object, and indirect object). Moloko verbs do not have just Agent-Patient semantic frames for events. In this work we follow an Agent-Theme-Location analysis, as developed by DeLancey (1991), in which 'Location' (loc) has a particular definition. Indirect object always expresses semantic loc – the participant that represents the place where the Theme is directed to. As such the indirect object can express (depending on the verb type, see Sections 9.2.3–9.2.5) the recipient or beneficiary of the event. Direct object always expresses semantic Theme, the core participant that changes position or state because of the event. Subject in transitive clauses expresses the Agent.

It is the verbal pronominals that best illustrate the grammar of the two types of transitive clauses because the grammatical distinction between direct and indirect object is expressed by a core pronominal (the direct object pronominal and the indirect object pronominal enclitic). Note that when the indirect object is a noun phrase, it is inside a prepositional phrase. The indirect object prepositional phrase in Moloko is not a syntactic oblique, however, because the pronominals indicate that it represents a core participant of the event. For this reason, most of the examples are given in pairs in this chapter. The first example in each pair shows full noun phrase arguments for each core participant. The second example in each pair shows the same clause with all core participants represented by verbal pronominals. Pronominals are bolded in the second example in each pair.

Examples (1) and (2) show a transitive clause with subject (*Mana*) and direct object (*awak* 'goat' in 1, *na* 3s direct object pronominal in 2).


9.2 Verb types

Examples (3) and (4) show a transitive clause with subject (*Mana*) and indirect object (*ana kəra* 'to dog' in 3, =*an* 'to him' in 4).


Crosslinguistic studies might lead one to expect a verb like 'hit' to take a direct object; however verbs in Moloko require an Agent-Theme-loc semantic model to explain their behaviour. The indirect object *kəra* 'dog' is the semantic loc – here the recipient of the action – the participant that represents the place where the Theme (the hit) is directed to. The participant that changes position or state in this event (the hit) is implicit in verbs of this type (see Section 9.2.3).

Returning to the transitive clause with subject and direct object (1 and 2), the direct object *awak* 'goat' is the Theme – the participant that changes position or state because of an event (it is slain).

### **9.2 Verb types**

Most Moloko verbs are ambitransitive (i.e., labile) in that they can occur in intransitive, transitive, and sometimes bitransitive clauses with no morphological change in the verb complex (except of course the addition of the appropriate pronominals, Section 7.3).<sup>3</sup> Nevertheless, they can be divided into classes that exhibit different morphological and syntactic patterns relating/with respect to transitivity. Verbs are classified here as to the maximum number of grammatical relations that the verb can take as well as the type of grammatical relations:


<sup>3</sup> Some verbs in related Chadic languages can also be ambitransitive. These include Cuvok (Ndokobai 2006), Buwal (Viljoen 2013), and Vame (Kinnaird 2006).

### 9 Verb types and transitivity


Examples are given in pairs in this chapter, first with full noun phrase arguments and then the same clause is given with the noun phrases replaced by pronominals. Examples with pronominals are necessary because the centrality of the distinction of verb types in Moloko is more apparent from the pronominals, especially for the indirect object. The indirect object can be expressed with a core pronominal within the verb complex, or a full noun phrase within an adpositional phrase.

### **9.2.1 Group 1: Verbs that can only be intransitive**

Only one verb in Moloko can never take an object (neither direct nor indirect). The locational clause contains the verb *nday*. It states that the subject is presently located somewhere (5–6). An explicit free noun phrase subject is not required when this verb is the main predicate since the subject is indicated in the verb prefix; however an adpositional phrase giving the location is required and follows the verb. This same verb functions as a progressive aspect auxiliary (see Section 8.2.1).<sup>4</sup>


### **9.2.2 Group 2: Verbs that can be transitive with direct object**

Clauses with reflexive-causative verbs can have either one core argument (subject) or two core arguments (subject and direct object). We have never found

<sup>4</sup> It is interesting that the locational extension =*aka* is also used to express progressive aspect Section 7.5.1.

9.2 Verb types

these verbs in a context where they take an indirect object as third core argument.

Verbs from this class express reflexive actions when in an intransitive clause (action is to self; 7) and causative actions when in a transitive clause with a direct object (action is to direct object; 8).

(7) Mana enjé a mogom.

Mana Mana ɛ̀-nʒ-ɛ́ 3s+pfv-leave-cl a at mɔgʷɔm home 'Mana went home.' (lit. Mana left to home)

(8) Mana enjé awak a mogom. Mana Mana ɛ̀-nʒ-ɛ́ 3s+pfv-leave-cl awak goat a at mɔgʷɔm home

'Mana took the goat home.' (lit. Mana left goat to home)

Table 9.1 presents the morphology and clause structures for sample verbs in this category, across both intransitive and transitive clause constructions.

### **9.2.3 Group 3: Verbs that can be transitive with indirect object**

Some transitive verbs in Moloko never take a direct object but rather have only what we have been referring to as an indirect object in this work. These verbs express experience, feeling, or emotion. The indirect object expresses the semantic loc (recipient, beneficiary, experiencer) of the event. A semantic core participant that moves or undergoes a change of state or is in a state (Theme) may be implicit or be lexicalised into the verb.

The verb *rəɓ-ay* 'to be beautiful' involves a thing and its quality (9–10), and the person whose opinion or perception is being cited is coded as the indirect object. In an intransitive clause, the subject (*dalay* 'girl') is at the state of being beautiful. In a transitive clause (with an indirect object), the subject (*dalay* 'girl') is felt to be beautiful by the indirect object (*=aw* 'to me').

(9) Dalay arəɓay. dalaj girl a-rəɓ-aj 3s-be beautiful-cl 'The girl is beautiful.'


### Table 9.1: Group 2 verbs

9.2 Verb types

(10) Dalay arəɓaw. dalaj girl a-rəɓ=aw 3s-be beautiful=1s.io 'The girl is beautiful to me.'

The experience verb /ts r/ 'taste good' is grammatically expressed in (11) as the subject *ɗaf* 'millet loaf' tastes good to the semantic loc expressed by the indirect object (the pronominal enclitic *=aw* 'to me').

(11) Ɗaf acaraw. ɗaf millet loaf à-tsar=aw 3s+pfv-taste good=1s.io 'Millet loaf tasted good to me.'

Likewise with the verb /g r -j/ 'fear' (12), the elephant causes fear at the loc 'the children.'

(12) Mbelele agarata ana babəza ahay. mbɛlɛlɛ elephant à-gar=ata 3s+pfv-fear=3p.io ana dat babəza=ahaj children=PL 'The children are afraid of the elephant.'

The verbs /dz n-j/ 'help,' /ɓ-j/ 'hit,' and /s/ 'please' are also in this group of verbs. The receiver of the help or hit is expressed by the indirect object which is affected positively (in the case of help) or negatively (in the case of hit) by the event. For these verbs, the semantic Theme (the hit or the help) never appears as a direct object since it is part of the meaning of these verbs. Table 9.2 presents examples of verbs of this type.

Note that an intransitive clause appears to be ungrammatical for the verbs /ɓ-j/ 'hit' and /s/ 'please' (13–14).

(13) a. Hawa áɓan ana kəra. Hawa Hawa á-ɓ=aŋ 3s+ifv-hit=3s.io ana dat kəra dog

'Hawa hits the dog.'

b. áɓan. á-ɓ=aŋ 3s+ifv-hit=3s.io 'She hits it.'


Table 9.2: Group 3 verbs

9.2 Verb types

(14) a. Sese ásan ana Mana. ʃɛʃɛ meat á-s=aŋ 3s+ifv-please=3s.io ana dat Mana Mana 'Meat is pleasing to Mana.'

> b. ásan. á-s=aŋ 3s+ifv-please =3s.io 'It pleases him.'

### **9.2.4 Group 4: Verbs that can be bitransitive**

Verbs that can occur in bitransitive clauses with subject, direct object, and indirect object can also occur in intransitive clauses (subject only) and transitive clauses (subject and direct object). When present, the indirect object always expresses the benefactive or malefactive.

The semantics of transitive and bitransitive clauses is uniform for these verbs – subject always expresses semantic Agent, direct object always expresses semantic Theme, and indirect object always expresses semantic loc (typically Beneficiary or Maleficiary). Intransitive clauses are more flexible in that the subject can express either Agent or Theme for some verbs. Transitive and bitransitive clauses are discussed for these verbs in Section 9.2.4.1 and intransitive clauses are discussed in Section 9.2.4.2.

### **9.2.4.1 Group 4 verbs in transitive and bitransitive clauses**

The verb *p-ay* 'open' illustrates this verb type. In a transitive clause (15), the subject (*Mana*) performs the action on the direct object (*mahay* 'door').

(15) Mana apay mahay. Mana Mana à-p-aj 3s+pfv-open-cl mahaj door

'He/she opened the door.'

In a bitransitive clause (16), the action done to the direct object is for the benefit of the indirect object.

(16) Mana apan mahay ana Hawa.

Mana Mana à-p=aŋ 3s+pfv-open=3s.io mahaj door ana dat Hawa Hawa 'Mana opened the door for Hawa.'

### 9 Verb types and transitivity

The verb *mənjar* 'see' occurs in intransitive, transitive, and bitransitive clauses. In a transitive clause (17), the subject (*Mala*) sees the direct object (*awak* 'goat').<sup>5</sup>

(17) Mala ámənjar awak. Mala Mala á-mənzar 3s+ifv-see awak goat 'Mala sees a goat.'

In a bitransitive clause (18), the subject (*Mala*) sees the direct object (*awak* 'goat') on behalf of the indirect object beneficiary (*bahay* 'chief'). The chief is the metaphorical loc to which the action is directed.

(18) Mala olo amənjaran awak ana bahay. Mala Mala ɔ-lɔ 3s-go a-mənzar=aŋ 3s-see=3s.io awak goat ana dat bahaj chief 'Mala went to see a person's goat in the chief's place.'

For the verb /h/ 'say' (19), the subject *Mana* says the utterance (expressed by the direct object pronominal *na*) to *Hawa*.

(19) Mana ahan na ana Hawa. Mana Mana à-h=aŋ 3s+pfv-say=3s.io na 3s.do ana dat Hawa Hawa 'Mana told it to Hawa.'

Table 9.3 presents examples of this verb type with benefactive indirect object.

For some transitive verbs of this type, the indirect object (when present) marks the malefactive of the event. The indirect object will be negatively affected by the event. For the verb *paɗ-ay* 'eat' in (20) the subject (*awak* 'goat') ate the direct object (*háy* 'millet'), incurring a negative effect on the indirect object (*=aw* 'to me').<sup>6</sup>

<sup>5</sup>The indirect object 'goat' undergoes a change of state from being unseen to being seen at a particular loc.

<sup>6</sup>This phenomenon is also known as possessor raising or external possession. We consider that the semantics for this construction in Moloko are malefactive rather than possessive because a possessive construction can also be employed (without an indirect object): *awak a-paɗ-ay na háy əwla =va,* 'the goat ate my millet'. The construction with an indirect object connects the millet to its owner with less precision than the possessive construction, and concentrates on the loss that the owner incurred (due to the damages done to his millet field) rather than the fact that he owned the field.


Table 9.3: Group 4 verbs where io expresses benefactive

### 9 Verb types and transitivity

(20) Awak apaɗ**aw** na háy va. awak goat a-paɗ**=aw** 3s-crunch=1s.io na 3s.do haj=va millet=prf 'The goat has eaten my millet.' (lit. the goat has eaten to me the millet)

The indirect object also expresses the malefactive with the verbs *mbəzen* 'ruin' (21) and *cen* 'understand' (22). In (21) the subject (*sla=ahay* 'the cows') have ruined the direct object (*gəvah* 'the field') with a negative effect on the indirect object (*=aloko* 'to us').

(21) Sla ahaj təmbəzaloko na gəvah va. ɬa=ahaj cow=Pl tə́-mbəz=alɔkʷɔ 3p+pfv-ruin=1Pin.io na 3s.do gəvah=va field=prf

'The cows have ruined our field.' (lit. The cows have ruined to us the field)

Example (22) shows a bitransitive clause with the verb *cen* 'hear'/'understand.' The subject (*a-* 3s subject pronominal) didn't understand the direct object (*ma =əwla* 'my words') with a negative effect on the indirect object (*=aw* 'to me').<sup>7</sup>

(22) Acaw aka va ma əwla bay. à-ts=aw 3s+pfv-understand=1s.io =aka=va =on=prf ma=uwla word=1s.poss baj neg 'He/she didn't understand my words.' (lit. he had understood on my words not)

Table 9.4 provides examples of group 4 verbs where the indirect object expresses the malefactive.

Moloko uses a transitive clause with a third person plural subject pronominal when the identity of the Agent is unimportant or unknown in the discourse. The literal meaning of (23) is 'They are greeting you,' but this construction is used even when the person greeting is singular and the speaker knows who it is but doesn't want to say.<sup>8</sup> Example (24) is from the Disobedient Girl text (see Section 1.5). The example literally means 'they brought her out' but the identity of those who carried her is unimportant in the story.

<sup>7</sup>Note that phonetically the word-final /n/ drops off when the indirect object clitic attaches.

<sup>8</sup>The verb /h-j/ 'say' shows incorporation of the 'body-part' noun *ma* 'word/mouth' (Section 9.3).


Table 9.4: Group 4 verbs where io expresses malefactive

(23) Tahok ma.

ta-h=ɔkʷ 3p-tell=2s.io ma mouth 'You are being greeted.' (lit. they are telling word to you) 9 Verb types and transitivity

(24) Disobedient Girl, S. 30 Tazlərav na ala. tà-ɮərav 3p+pfv-exit na=ala 3s.do=to 'She was brought out [of the house].' (lit. they brought her out)

### **9.2.4.2 Group 4 verbs in intransitive clauses**

There are two semantic possibilities for intransitive clauses of Group 4 verbs in Perfective aspect. Subject can be the semantic Agent or the semantic Theme. Some verbs have both possibilities, but for other verbs, subject can express only Agent or only Theme. For the verb *d-e* 'prepare,' the subject of an intransitive clause is the semantic Agent (25) and the semantic Theme is unspecified.

(25) Hawa ede. Hawa Hawa ɛ̀-d-ɛ 3s+pfv-prepare-cl 'Hawa made [something].'

With *cen* 'hear,' an intransitive clause in Perfective aspect (26) expresses an event where the subject hears and understands (what they hear/understand may not be explicit in the clause).

(26) Mana ecen. Mana Mana ɛ̀-tʃɛŋ 3s+pfv-understand 'Mana heard/understood (something).'

In contrast, for the verb *p-ay* 'open,' the subject of an intransitive clause is the semantic Theme which is affected by the action (27). More examples are shown in Table 9.5.

(27) Mahay apay. mahaj door à-p-aj 3s+pfv-open-cl 'The door opened.'

There is also a difference between the Imperfective, Perfective, and Perfect in an intransitive clause that doesn't hold for transitive and bitransitive clauses.<sup>9</sup> In

<sup>9</sup> Intransitive clauses with transfer verbs Section 9.2.5 also show this semantic picture.

9.2 Verb types

intransitive clauses for these verbs, Imperfective aspect indicates that the subject is at the state of being potentially able to do or submit to the action (more of an irrealis idea) while Perfect is a resultative state. In contrast, for transitive and bitransitive clauses, Imperfective aspect expresses an incomplete event (see Section 7.4.2) and the Perfect expresses that the event was completed prior to a point of reference (see Section 7.5.3). For example, an intransitive clause with the verb /p -j/ 'open' expresses an event with an unspecified Agent when the verb is Perfective: 'the door opened' (28).

(28) Mahay apay. mahaj door à-p-aj 3s+pfv-open-cl 'The door opened.'

Likewise with the verb /b h/ 'pour,' water 'is poured' (29).

(29) Yam abah. jam water à-bax 3s+pfv-pour 'Water poured.'

If the verb is Imperfective, the clause means that the door is able to be opened, i.e., it is not locked (30).

(30) Mahay ápay. mahaj door á-p-aj 3s+ifv-open-cl 'The door opens.'

In the Perfect, the clause means that the door is open (i.e., someone has already opened it, 31).

(31) Mahay apava. mahaj door a-pa=va 3s-open=prf 'The door is open.'


Table 9.5: Group 4 Intransitive clauses


### 9 Verb types and transitivity

Imperfective aspect in an intransitive clause presents a situation where a state or capability is expressed. For the verb *mənjar* 'see,' an intransitive clause in Imperfective aspect (32) can have an abilitative sense in that the subject *Mala* is able to see. It can also mean that the subject is visible (subject expresses semantic Theme).

(32) Mala ámənjar. Mala Mala á-mənzar 3s+ifv-see 'Mala sees.' (i.e. he is not blind) / 'Mala can be seen.'

Table 9.5 presents examples of Group 4 verbs in intransitive clauses. The corresponding transitive forms for most of these verbs are discussed in Section 9.2.4.1. The three columns show Perfective, Imperfective, and Perfect forms of the verbs. Perfective aspect (column 1) expresses either an action that the Agent did (with an unexpressed Theme) or an event that happened to the Theme (with an unexpressed Agent). Imperfective aspect (column 2) indicates readiness of the Agent to do the action or expresses ability of the Theme to submit to the action. The Perfect (column 3) expresses a resultative – a finished action or the state resulting from the event. For some verbs, the subject can express either Agent or Theme (*zom, slay, se, balay, pay*). For others, the subject of an intransitive clause can only express Theme (*bah, mbəzen*).

### **9.2.5 Group 5: Transfer verbs**

Three transfer verbs in Moloko are notable. They are *dəbənay* 'learn/teach,' *skom* 'buy/sell,' and *vəl* 'give.' These verbs are especially labile in terms of their semantic expression in that a transitive clause can have *either* a direct or an indirect object.

The verb *vəl* 'give' is shown in a bitransitive clause in (33). The subject (*bahay* 'chief') transfers the direct object (*dalay* 'girl') to the indirect object (*Mana*).

(33) Bahay avəlan dalay ana Mana.

bahaj chief à-vəl=aŋ 3s+pfv-give=3s.io dalaj girl ana dat Mana Mana

'The chief gave the girl to Mana (in marriage).'

When *vəl* 'give' occurs in a transitive clause, the second core argument can be either a direct object (34) or an indirect object (35). In (34), the chief is marrying off his daughter to an unspecified suitor. The subject (*bahay* 'chief') transfers the direct object (*dalay* 'girl') to someone who is unspecified in the clause.

9.2 Verb types

(34) Bahay ávar dalay. bahaj chief á-var 3s+ifv-give dalaj girl 'The chief is marrying off his daughter [to someone].' (lit. chief gives girl)

In (35), the subject (*bahay* 'chief') transfers something or someone to the indirect object (*Mana*). What he gave would probably be specified in the immediate context, but is out of sight in this clause.

(35) Bahay avəlan ana Mana. bahaj chief à-vəl=aŋ 3s+pfv-give=3s.io ana dat Mana Mana 'The chief gave [something] to Mana.'

When the verb *vəl* 'give' occurs in an intransitive negative clause (Imperfective, 36), it expresses that the subject is in the state of not giving anything to anyone, or not being the giving kind.<sup>10</sup> Without the negative marker, the meaning would probably be 'the chief is the giving kind.'<sup>11</sup>

(36) Bahay ávar bay. bahaj chief á-var 3s+ifv-give baj neg 'The chief is not the giving kind.' (lit. chief doesn't give)

The verb *dəbənay* 'learn'/'teach' occurs in transitive and bitransitive clauses.<sup>12</sup> In bitransitive clauses illustrated by (37), the subject (*bahay* 'chief') transfers the direct object (*Məloko* 'Moloko language') to the indirect object (*ana babəza ahay* 'to the children').<sup>13</sup>

(37) Bahay adəbənata Məloko ana babəza ahay. bahaj chief a-dəbən=ata 3s-learn=3p.io Mʊlɔkʷɔ Moloko ana dat babəza=ahaj children=Pl

<sup>&#</sup>x27;The chief teaches Moloko to the children.'

<sup>10</sup>Note the phonological change of the final consonant (*r* becomes *l* when there is a suffix, see Section 6.2).

<sup>11</sup>This is a specific example from a text. We have not seen one-participant clauses for this verb type in Perfective aspect. The semantics of one-participant clauses for group four verbs is discussed in Section 9.2.4.2.

<sup>12</sup>We found no clauses with one core participant for this verb.

<sup>13</sup>The indirect object is expressed in an adpositional phrase as well as the verbal pronominal extension *=ata* 'to them.' The indirect object expresses the recipient or beneficiary of the event.

### 9 Verb types and transitivity

In transitive clauses with subject and direct object (38), the subject (*babəza ahay* 'children') transfers the direct object (*Məloko* 'Moloko language') to self.

(38) Babəza ahay tədəbənay Məloko. babəza=ahaj children=Pl tə-dəbən-aj 3p-learn-cl Mʊlɔkʷɔ Moloko 'The children learn Moloko.'

(39) illustrates a transitive clause with subject and indirect object. The subject (*Məloko* 'Moloko language;' the semantic Theme) is transferred to the indirect object (*=ok* 'to you').

(39) Məloko adəbənok na jajak. Mʊlɔkʷɔ Moloko a-dəbən=ɔkʷ 3s-learn=2s.io na psp dzadzak fast 'Moloko is easy for you to learn.' (lit. Moloko learns to you quickly)

The verb *skom* 'buy'/'sell' is also a transfer verb with two semantic locs. The event of buy/sell is accomplished through transfer of the Theme from one loc to another. In a bitransitive clause (40), the subject (*nə-* 'I') causes the direct object (*awak* 'goat') to go to the indirect object (*ana Mana* 'to Mana').

(40) Nəskoman awak ana Mana. nə-sʊkʷɔm=aŋ 1s-buy/sell=3s.io awak goat ana dat Mana Mana 'I sell a goat to Mana.'

In a transitive clause with direct object (41), the subject (*nə-* 'I') transfers the direct object (*awak* 'goat') to self. We found no intransitive clauses for this verb.

```
(41) Nəskomala awak.
     nə-sʊkʷɔm=ala
     1s-buy/sell=to
                     awak
                     goat
     'I bought a goat.'
```
The verb *hay* 'speak' also appears to be in this class, but we have not found this verb in all contexts. In (42), Mana caused what he said (*na* 'it') to go to the men.

9.3 "Body-part" verbs (noun incorporation)

(42) Mana ahata na va ana zawər ahay. Mana Mana à-h=ata 3s+pfv-speak=3p.io na=va 3s.do=prf ana dat zawər=ahaj men=Pl 'Mana has already told it to the men.'

Table 9.6 presents examples of these transfer verbs in intransitive, transitive, and bitransitive clauses.

A fourth participant is possible for the verb *vəl* 'give' and appears as an oblique adjunct. When there is both a Beneficiary and a Recipient (which is the core loc), a preposition (*kəla*) plus one of the possessive pronouns (see Section 3.1.2) mark the benefactive. In (43) the subject ('you,' 2s imperative verb) transfers the direct object (*dala* 'money') to the indirect object (*=an* 'to him' and *ana Mana* 'to Mana') for the benefit of the person expressed by a possessive pronoun in the oblique prepositional phrase (*kəla əwla* 'my benefit,' bolded in the examples).

(43) Vəl**an** dala **kəla əwla** ana Mala. vəl**=aŋ** give=3s.io dala money **kəla=uwla** for (benefactive)=1s.poss ana dat Mala Mala 'Give Mala the money for me (lit. my benefit).'

In (44) the subject pronominal (*a-* '3s') transfers the direct object (*awak* 'goat') to the indirect object (pronominal enclitic *=ok* 'to you') for the benefit of the pronoun in the oblique (*kəla =əwla* 'my benefit').

(44) Avəl**ok** awak **kəla əwla**. a-vəl**=ɔkʷ** 3s-give=2s.io awak goat **kəla=uwla** for (benefactive)=1s.poss 'He/she gave you the goat on my behalf (lit. my benefit).'

### **9.3 "Body-part" verbs (noun incorporation)**

Friesen & Mamalis (2008) identified a unique group of verb constructions in Moloko. In these constructions, a special, sometimes phonologically reduced noun form that represents a part of the body is incorporated into the verb phrase. This is a case of noun incorporation where these *body-part* nouns are closely associated with the verb complex and their incorporation changes the lexical characteristics of the verb. These body-part nouns include *ma* 'mouth,' (45, Section 9.3.3), *elé* 'eye,' (46, Section 9.3.1), *sləmay* 'ear,' (47, Section 9.3.2), and *va* or *har* 'body,'


Table9.6:Group5verbs

9.3 "Body-part" verbs (noun incorporation)

(48, 49, Sections 9.3.4 and 9.3.5, respectively). These nouns can be incorporated into transitive or bitransitive verbs from the types in Sections 9.2.2 and 9.2.3.


(48) Tandalay talala təzləge **va** ana Məloko ahay. ta-ndalaj 3p-prg ta-l=ala 3p-go=to tɪ-ɮɪg-ɛ 3p-throw-cl **va** body ana dat Mʊlɔkʷɔ=ahaj Moloko=Pl 'They were coming and fighting with the Molokos.' (lit. they were coming they threw body to Molokos)

(49) Ma ango agəsaw **har**. ma=aŋgʷɔ word=2s.poss a-gəs=aw 3s-catch=1s.io **har** body 'It pleases me.' (lit. it catches body to me)

The body-part noun follows directly after all other elements in the verb complex. It appears to be in the same position as any other noun phrase direct object in the verb phrase (see Chapter 8); however it is in more tightly bound to the verb complex than a noun phrase. The body-part noun does not fill the do pronominal slot, because verbal extensions that follow the do pronominal in the Moloko verb complex precede the body-part (see 45 and 47 which each have an adpositional extension, see Section 7.5.1). It is not phonologically bound to the verb since, unlike the Perfect verbal extension *=va* which is part of the verb complex,

<sup>14</sup>Note that the word-final /n/ is deleted on the root /ts n<sup>e</sup> /when the verbal extension is attached Section 2.6.1.

### 9 Verb types and transitivity

the body-part *va* does not neutralise the prosody on the verb stem (48). However, the incorporated noun is grammatically closer to the verb complex than a noun phrase direct object would be because the body-part can never be separated from the verb complex. The body-part can never be fronted in the clause (see Section 8.1). Nor can the body-part be separated from the verb complex by the presupposition marker. Both of these situations can occur for noun phrase direct objects and are illustrated in Section 11.2 (29 and 30).

Incorporation of the body-part noun never co-occurs with another direct object or with the do pronominal *na*. A transitive clause with subject, indirect object and incorporated body-part noun can occur where the indirect object expresses semantic loc (sometimes metaphorical).

This section is organised by body-part plus verb collocations:


Note that there are Moloko idioms that employ body parts with the verb *g-e* 'do.' To get angry is to 'do heart' (50).

```
(50) Ege ɓərav.
      ɛ-g-ɛ
      3s-do-cl
                ɓərav
                heart
      'He/she is angry.' (lit. he/she does heart)
```
The idiom for 'think' is literally 'do brain' (51).

(51) Ge endeɓ!

g-ɛ do[2s.imp]-cl ɛndɛɓ brain 'Think!' (lit. do brain) 9.3 "Body-part" verbs (noun incorporation)

### **9.3.1** *elé* **'eye'**

The body-part noun *elé* 'eye' collocates with some verbs to lexicalise the engagement of the eyes and reduce the focus on what is seen. This body-part word is used in its full form. For example, the verb *mənjar* normally means 'see' (see Table 9.7). With the incorporation of *elé* (52– 53), the verb plus body-part construction has a more active experiential meaning in that the subject of the clause (*Mala*) is looking around attentively. Since there can be no direct object, there is no explicit referential object as stimulus – the speaker is vague about what exactly Mala will look at.


With the verb *har* 'carry' (54), the addition of *elé* also gives an entirely new lexical item – expressing the idea of looking around intensively or studying every square inch (see Table 9.7.).

(54) Nolo nahar **elé** a gəvah əwla ava jəyga. nɔ-lɔ 1s-go na-har 1s-carry **ɛlɛ** eye a at gəvax=uwla field=1s.poss ava in dzijga all 'I go [and] look around my whole field.' (lit. I carry eye in my field all)

Table 9.7 compares examples with and without the body-part.

### **9.3.2** *sləmay* **'ear'**

A second body-part noun is *sləmay* 'ear' which collocates with some cognition verbs. This body-part noun is used in its full form. Like *elé* 'eye,' it adds a new, more active lexical meaning to the verb with which it collocates.

For example, the normal lexical meaning of the verb *cen* is 'hear' or 'understand' (55) and the verb is bitransitive (see Section 9.2.4). The incorporation of the body-part *sləmay* 'ear' gives a much more active or intensive idea – not just

### 9 Verb types and transitivity

Table 9.7: Selected verbs with and without the incorporation of elé 'eye'


hear and understand someone, but also listen to them or obey them (56). The focus is on the fact that the person is benefitting from using his ears to intently listen, rather than on the person speaking or the content of their message.

(55) Mana écen bay. Mana Mana ɛ́-tʃɛŋ 3s+ifv-hear baj neg

'Mana is deaf/doesn't understand.'

(56) Mana écen **sləmay** bay. Mana Mana ɛ́-tʃɛŋ 3s+ifv-hear **ɬəmaj** ear baj neg 'Mana is deaf/disobedient.'

Examples are in Table 9.8.

Table 9.8: Selected verbs of cognition with and without incorporation of sləmay 'ear'


9.3 "Body-part" verbs (noun incorporation)

### **9.3.3** *ma* **'mouth'**

The 'body-part' noun *ma* 'mouth' (which also means 'word' and 'language') collocates with some speech verbs. It is found in its full form in the verb plus bodypart constructions. Example (57) shows the verb *hay* 'say' with the body-part noun *ma* 'mouth.'

(57) Tahok ma. ta-h=ɔkʷ 3p-tell=2s.io ma mouth 'You are being greeted.' (lit. they are telling word to you)

The example pairs shown in Table 9.9 illustrate its use with three speaking verbs; *taray* 'call,' *hay* 'say' and *jay* 'speak.' Examples are shown with the direct object pronominal *na* (column 1) and with *ma* 'mouth' (column 2). With the body-part incorporation, there can be no other direct object.

A similar creation of new lexical meaning occurs with verbs that are normally not speech verbs but that become speech verbs when they collocate with *ma*. The verbs *sok-oy* 'point,' *zom* 'eat,' and *njakay* 'find' are shown in Table 9.10. The incorporation of *ma* with *sok-oy* 'point' gives a particular manner of communication: *sokoy ma* 'whisper.' Incorporation of *ma* with the verb *zom* 'eat' gives the idea of helping someone else to eat. Incorporation of *ma* with *njakay* 'find' yields an expression 'to find trouble.'

### 9 Verb types and transitivity


Table 9.9: Selected speech verbs with and without *ma* 'mouth' as direct object

### 9.3 "Body-part" verbs (noun incorporation)


Table 9.10: Selected non-speech verbs that collocate with ma.

*a* Perhaps *ahar* 'hand' is another body-part direct object that acts as semantic Theme. We found no other verbs that collocate with *ahar*.

*<sup>b</sup>*Although *asak* 'foot' is another body part, this is not a case of noun incorporation since *asak* is a noun (in a possession construction with *=ahan*) and not within the verb complex as is *ma* 'mouth.'

### **9.3.4** *va* **'body'**

There are two different phonologically reduced forms of the word *hərva* 'body' – *va* and *har*. When collocated with certain verbs, the verb plus incorporated bodypart takes on a new lexical meaning. This is a non-productive process found with only a few verbs.

### 9 Verb types and transitivity

The first reduced form of *hərva* 'body' is *va.*<sup>15</sup> This body-part is used for forming reciprocals with plural subjects of a few verbs in a context of killing and loving (*zləge* 'throw' 58–59, *kaɗ* 'kill by clubbing' 60, and *ndaɗay* 'need,' 61). The body-part *va* indicates that the plural subjects are performing the actions against one another.

	- dəraj

head

'On the day that they had finished fighting each other, we separated as equals.'

```
(60) Takaɗ va.
      ta-kaɗ
      3p-kill
              va
              body
      'They kill each other.' (lit. they kill.by.clubbing body)
```
The body-part *va* 'body' occurs twice in the clause expressing the reciprocal idea of loving one another in (61) – as incorporated noun and also as the noun phrase within an adpositional phrase (*va* is bolded in the example).

(61) Kondoɗom **va** a **va** ava. kɔ-ndɔɗ-ɔm 2p-need-2p **va** body a at **va** body ava in 'Love one another.' (lit. need body in the body)

Table 9.11 compares transitive clauses with a direct object and clauses with the same verbs collocated with the body-part. To facilitate comparison between the incorporated body-part *va* and the direct object pronominal extension *na*, the

<sup>15</sup>Note that there are three homophones of *va* which one must take care to distinguish: [*=va*] 'perfect,' [*va*] 'body,' and [*ava*] 'in'. They all can occur immediately following the verb stem.

### 9.3 "Body-part" verbs (noun incorporation)

examples in the table are given in pairs. The first example in each pair shows the full noun phrase, and the second example in the pair shows the same clause with only pronominal affixes and extensions. The body-part *va* is bolded.


Table 9.11: Selected verbs with and without the body-part va 'body'

The verb *zaɗ* 'take' also can incorporate the body-part *va* 'body.' The normal lexical meaning of the verb *zaɗ* is 'take' but the combination *zaɗ va* (62 and 63) carries the idea of 'resemble' or 'look like' and occurs with singular as well as plural subjects. With a plural subject (63), the clause has a reciprocal idea – the subjects resemble each other.

### 9 Verb types and transitivity


The body part *va* can also collocate with other verbs. For example *embesen* means 'he/she breathes,' but *embesen va* means 'he/she is resting' (64).

(64) Embesen va kə cəveɗ aka. ɛ-mbɛʃɛŋ 3s-breathe va body kə on tʃɪvɛɗ road aka on 'He rests enroute [to somewhere].'

### **9.3.5** *har* **'body'**

A second reduced form of *hərva*, *har* 'body,' demonstrates another non-productive collocation with some verbs. With the verb *wəɗakay*, which normally means 'divide,' the incorporation of *har* gives a new lexical meaning containing the idea of the participants dispersing (lit. a reflexive idea of 'dividing themselves up' 65).

(65) Values, S. 16

Tə́lala, a həlan ga ava ese, təwəɗakala **har** a məsəyon ava. tə́-l=ala 3p-go+ifv=to a at həlaŋ back ga adj ava in ɛʃɛ again tú-wuɗak=ala 3p-divide+ifv=to **har** body a at mʊsijɔŋ mission ava in

'They come [home] again, they disperse after church.'

With the verb *gas* which normally means 'catch,' *har* gives the lexical idea of pleasing, which is located at the indirect object (66).

9.4 Clauses with zero grammatical arguments

(66) Membese va nə nok egəne na, agəsaw **har** ava gam. mɛ-mbɛʃ-ɛ nom-breathe-cl va body nə with nɔkʷ 2s ɛgɪnɛ today na psp a-gəs=aw 3s-catch=1s.io **har**=va body=prf gam a lot 'Spending time with you today pleased me a lot.' (lit. it catches body to me)

### **9.4 Clauses with zero grammatical arguments**

There are clauses in Moloko with no grammatically explicit arguments - these clauses have a transitivity of zero.<sup>16</sup> Nominalised and dependent verb forms are not inflected for subject (see Sections 7.6 and 7.7, respectively). When they also carry no do or io pronominal, the clause has zero transitivity. The use of verb forms with no grammatical relations has a discourse function to temporarily take participants out of sight. In the Disobedient Girl story peak episode S. 22 (67), the dependent verb *aməhaya* 'grinding,' is unconjugated for subject, direct object, and indirect object. The effect is to keep the participants out of sight as the events unfold and increase vividness as the audience is drawn into the story. All the audience hears is the sound of grinding. The millet is expanding, filling the room and the disobedient girl is lost inside it as she is being suffocated by the millet.

(67) Disobedient Girl, S. 22 Njəw njəw njəw aməhaya azla. nzuw nzuw nzuw id:grind amə-h=aja dep-grind=plu aɮa now '*Njəw njəw njəw* [she] ground [the millet] now.'

Likewise in line S. 15 of the Snake story (68), the nominalised form of the verb 'to penetrate' occurs with neither do nor indirect object pronominals. The climactic moment when the storyteller spears the snake is in a clause with zero transitivity. Participants are out of sight in the discourse.

(68) Snake story, S. 15 Mecesle mbəraɓ! mɛ-tʃɛɬ-ɛ nom-penetrate-cl mbəraɓ id:penetrate 'It penetrated, *mbəraɓ*!'

<sup>16</sup>The ideophone clause can also have zero transitivity (Section 3.6.3). See also zero transitivity in nominalised forms, Section 8.2.3.

## **10 Clause**

Moloko is an SVO language, which means that the default order of clausal constituents in a simple clause is subject, followed by verb (or predicate), and finally object.<sup>1</sup> Clause types in Moloko are closely related to the verb type and transitivity of the clause (see Chapter 9). In this chapter the basic structure of declarative clauses for all verb types is discussed (Section 10.1). The *na* construction can be superimposed upon the basic clause structure, changing the word order. Since the *na* construction is more complex and can involve more than one clause, *na* constructions are discussed in a separate chapter (Chapter11). Negation, interrogative, command, and exclamatory clause structures can be further superimposed on a simple or *na*-marked clause to add a functional element (Sections 10.2–10.5). Clause combining is discussed in Chapter 12.

### **10.1 Declarative clauses**

Moloko has two basic types of declarative clauses, depending on whether the clause contains a verb or not. The verbal clause is described in Section 10.1.1. Clauses where an existential or an ideophone is the central element are a subtype of verbal clauses. The special features of the structure of existential and ideophone clauses are discussed in Section 3.4 and Section 3.6, respectively. Nonverbal clauses are described in Section 10.1.2. These include predicate nominal, predicate adjective, and predicate possessive clauses.

There is not a lot of variation in the word order of the elements of the basic clause, but the number of grammatically explicit core participants controls the semantic roles assigned to the subject, direct object, and indirect object (see Chapter 9).

### **10.1.1 Verbal clause**

The basic structure of Moloko verbal clauses includes the illustrated elements in the order shown in Figure 10.1. Elements whose inclusion in the clause is optional are in parentheses. The order of clause constituents for all clause types

<sup>1</sup> Elements can be fronted only in a special *na* construction described in Chapter 11.

### 10 Clause

is always SVO (with V and O being within the verb phrase). The verb phrase (Chapter 8) is the centre of the clause (and also its final element) and can contain information concerning the subject, direct object, indirect object, aspect, mood, direction, location, repetition, and discourse-importance of the event or state expressed by the verb (see Sections 7.3–7.5). All other elements are optional. When present, the temporal adverb gives locational information concerning the event. If a full subject noun phrase is present, it precedes the verb phrase, and any other core clause constituents follow the verb in the verb phrase (direct object, indirect object, obliques). The subject controls the subject inflections on the verb word.

(temporal noun phrase) (subject noun phrase) **Verb phrase**

Figure 10.1: Order of constituents for verbal clause

The first element in the clause can be a temporal noun phrase (1).

(1) **Apazan** albaya ahay tolo a ləhe. **apazaŋ** yesterday albaja=ahaj youth=Pl tɔ-lɔ 3p+pfv-go a at lɪhɛ bush 'Yesterday the youths went to the bush.'

The subject is expressed by the subject pronominal on the verb (Section 7.3.1). A coreferential noun phrase can be present for discourse functions (2 and 3). The coreferential noun phrase precedes the verb.


The simplest form of the verbal clause type consists of a verb complex only. A verb complex can stand alone as a clause because, in addition to the verb stem, it contains information on grammatical relations (subject in the subject prefix, direct object and indirect object in a verb extension or suffix). The verb complex

### 10.1 Declarative clauses

also includes directional and (non-core) locational information and indicates aspect and mood. It is interesting that the SVO order is maintained in the affixes (s-v-o), as seen in Figure 7.2. (from Section 7.1).

The examples below are clauses consisting of just a verb complex. They all have information on the subject (from subject inflections, 4, 6, 7, 8) or the form of the imperative (5 and 9). Some have information on the direct object (6–9), indirect object (8 and 9), direction of the action (5, 7, 9), and discourse information (5).


### 10 Clause

### **10.1.2 Predicate nominal, predicate adjective, and predicate possessive clauses**

Predicate nominal (10–12), predicate adjective (13), and predicate possessive (14 and 15) clauses lack any verb and consist of a juxtaposition of two noun phrases, in an order shown in Figure 10.2.

Subject noun phrase Predicate noun phrase

Figure 10.2: Constituent order of predicate nominal/adjective/ possessive clauses

Predicate nominal clauses typically express the notions of proper inclusion (i.e., the clause indicates that the subject is a member of the particular class of items indicated by the predicate, 10) or equation (i.e., the clause indicates that the subject is identical to the predicate, 11 and 12). In the following examples, each noun phrase is delimited by square brackets.


Predicate adjective clauses consist of a subject noun phrase and a derived adjective (Section 5.3) as the predicate noun phrase. These clauses express an attribute of the subject (13).

(13) [Ndahan] [malan ga]. [ndahaŋ] 3s [malaŋ largeness ga] adj 'He/she [is] big.'

### 10.1 Declarative clauses

Predicate possessive clauses have a subject noun phrase and a possessive prepositional phrase (see Section 5.6.1) as the predicate phrase. The participant named in the possessive phrase is expressed via a full noun phrase. These clauses express that the subject noun phrase is associated with the participant named in the possessive phrase. The semantic range for the predicate possessive clauses is the same as that of any possessive or genitive construction (see Sections 3.1.2.1 and 5.4.1).


For all three of these clause types, the subject may be marked as presupposed (see Section 11.2). For a predicate nominal construction, fronting and marking the predicate with *na* expresses equation in (16–18).


### 10 Clause

### **10.2 Negation constructions**

Negation constructions are specific constructions superimposed on a clause to create negation of the entire proposition (Section 10.2.2) or negation of one element of the clause (Section 10.2.3). For both, Moloko uses a negative particle *baj* or compound at the end of the clause or noun phrase (Section 10.2.1).

### **10.2.1 Negative particles**

The all-purpose negative is the particle *bay,* which follows the verb phrase and occurs (19–21) before any interrogative word (see Section 10.3). In the examples in this section, the negative is bolded and the negation construction is in square brackets.


In (22–24) the negative is clause-final and may have sematic scope over the entire proposition (c.f. constituent negation, Section 10.2.3). See especially (23) where it is clear that the entire proposition is being negated, and not just the information within the constituent closest to the negative. The meaning is 'don't insult a small person.' If the information in only one constituent was being negated, the meaning would have been 'insult a person who is not small.'

(22) [Tagaw ele lala **bay**]. [ta-g=aw 3p-do=1s.io ɛlɛ thing lala good **baj**] neg 'They do bad things to me.' / 'They don't do good things to me.' 10.2 Negation constructions

(23) [Kárasay məze cəɗew ga **bay**]. [ká-ras-aj 2s+ifv-minimise-cl mɪʒɛ person tʃɪɗɛw smallness ga adj **baj**] neg 'Don't insult one of the little people.'

(24) [Anday dəren **bay**]. [à-ndaj 3s+pfv-prg dɪrɛŋ far **baj**] neg 'He/she was not far.'

In (25), *bay* is not clause final but is the final element in a noun phrase within the clause. In this case, the information expressed within the noun phrase itself is negated; *ele lala bay* 'a bad thing.'

(25) Nde, [ele lala **bay**] kə təta aka. ndɛ so [ɛlɛ thing lala well done **baj**] neg kə on təta them aka on 'So, a bad thing [was] upon them.'

When relative clauses are negated, the negative may have semantic scope over the entire relative clause (26, 27).

(26) Values, S. 6 Ele ahay [aməgəye **bay**] nəngehe pat tahata na va. ɛlɛ=ahaj thing=Pl [amɪ-g-ijɛ dep-do-cl **baj**] neg nɪŋgɛhɛ dem pat all ta-h=ata 3p-tell=3p.io na=va 3s.do=prf 'All these things that [we] are not supposed to do, they have already told them.'

(27) Kəra [aməmənjere elé **bay**] táslay na gəraw. kəra dog [amɪ-mɪndʒɛr-ɛ dep-see-cl ɛlɛ eye **baj**] neg tá-ɬ-aj 3p+ifv-slay-cl na 3s.do gəraw id:cut through middle

'The dog that couldn't see they slew it through the middle.'

The negative can form a compound with some adverbs. Negated and nonnegated clauses with four adverbs are shown in Table 10.1. The negative *asabay* 'never again' is a compound of the adverb *ese* 'again' and *bay*. The evidence of phonological binding is that the adverb *ese* loses its palatalisation when it compounds with *bay* (line 1 in Table 10.1). Likewise, *fabay* (line 2 in Table 10.1) is considered phonologically bound since the word-final /n/ in the adverb *fan* 'already'

### 10 Clause

is deleted when the negative is added. These changes occur with some clitics (see Section 2.6.1.5). The other adverbs are considered to be separate phonological words since there are no other indications that the negative is phonologically bound to the adverb since the prosody of other adverbs is not affected (e.g., *kəlo* 'before,' line 3 in Table 10.1).


Table 10.1: Negation of clauses with adverbs

### **10.2.2 Clausal negation construction**

For clausal negation, there is no change in word order and no change in clause constituents apart from the addition of the clause final negative particle. A negative clause asserts that some event or state does not hold. Various types of clausal negation in Moloko are illustrated in (28–43). Each pair of examples represents a positive and a negative assertion for comparison.

The negation of an intransitive clause is illustrated in (28) and (29).

(28) Ahəmay. a-həm-aj 3s-run-cl 'He/she runs.' 10.2 Negation constructions

(29) Ahəmay **bay.** a-həm-aj 3s-run-cl **baj** neg 'He/she doesn't run.'

THe negation of a transitive clause is shown in (30–35).


The negation of existentials is shown in (36–39).

### 10 Clause


The negation of a predicate adjective is illustrated in (40–43).


10.2 Negation constructions

### **10.2.3 Constituent negation**

Most frequently, it seems that the element closest to the negative that is under the scope of negation, even though a clause-final negative marker can have scope over the whole verb phrase or even over the entire clause. To negate only one constituent in a clause, the clause is sometimes rearranged so that the constituent that is negated is placed in the clause-final position adjacent to the negation particle. Examples (44–46) show a question (44) with two responses (45–46) where each of the two ambiguous elements is negated. The subject (*Mana*) is part of the presupposition (marked off by *na* in the question, see Section 11.2). In (45) the oblique is negated and in (46) the entire predicate. The clauses were not restructured since the elements in question were already clause-final. In the following examples, the element that is negated is delimited by square brackets and the negative is bolded.


Examples (47–50) show some restructuring when different constituents are negated. Example (47) illustrates a question and (48) to (50) illustrate three possible answers, each negating a different constituent. Normal SVO structure is maintained for all answers. The responses each use two clauses. The first clause expresses the negation of the element in final position, and the second restates the clause giving the corrected information. In each case the first clause is restructured so as to move the element to be negated to the clause-final position. The response in (48) indicates that the hearer accepts 'that Mana gave the guitar to someone,' but it was not his father. In this clause, *kəndew* 'guitar' is realised as

### 10 Clause

the 3s do pronominal. The response in (49) indicates 'that Mana gave something to his father,' but not a guitar. In this case, the adpositional phrase *ana baba ahan* 'to his father' is replaced by the indirect object pronominal so that the negated element *kəndew* 'guitar' can be placed next to the negative.


avəlan na ana gəmsodo ahan. à-vəl=aŋ 3s+pfv-give=3s.io na 3s.do ana dat gʊmsɔdɔ=ahaŋ mother's brother=3s.poss 'No, he didn't give it t*o his father*, he gave it to his mother's brother.'

(49) Ehe, avəlan [kəndew] **bay**, avəlan cecewk. ɛhɛ no à-vəl=aŋ 3s+pfv-give=3s.io [kɪndɛw] guitar **baj** neg à-vəl=aŋ 3s+pfv-give=3s.io tʃɛtʃœkʷ flute 'No, he didn't give a *guitar* to his father, he gave him a flute.'

The fourth possible reply to the question in (47) negates the subject. Moloko clause structure does not allow the subject to occupy the clause-final position; to specifically negate the subject of a clause (52), a predicate nominal clause structure is used. The predicate is recast as a relative clause (see Section 5.4.3) with the presupposed information that someone gave a guitar to his father marked with *na*. The nominal is the negated subject *Mana bay* 'not Mana.'

(50) Ehe, aməvəlan kəndew ana baba ahan na, [Mana] bay; ɛhɛ no amə-vəl=aŋ dep-give=3s.io kɪndɛw guitar ana dat baba=ahaŋ father=3s.poss na psp [Mana] Mana baj neg 'No, *Mana* didn't give the guitar to his father. (lit. the one that gave guitar to his father, not Mana)'

10.3 Interrogative constructions

aməvəlan na, Majay. amə-vəl=aŋ dep-give=3s.io na psp Madzaj Madzay 'The person that gave [it was] Madzay.'

Examples (51–52) show a similar restructuring of a verbal clause into a predicate nominal in order to negate the subject of a clause. A question with a verbal clause structure is shown in (51). In order to negate the subject, the clause is restructured to put all of the known information in a predicate that is a relative clause delimited by *na,* and the negated subject becomes the final nominal (52).


### **10.3 Interrogative constructions**

The syntax of interrogative constructions is remarkable in that all interrogative particles except *wɛlɛj* 'which one' occur clause finally. In certain constructions, the clause itself is rearranged so that the interrogative particle can remain clause final. Interrogative constructions are superimposed on top of the other clausal construction types. Like the case for the negation construction (see Section 10.2.3), the element closest to the interrogative pronoun or question word seems most frequently under the scope of interrogation. Types of interrogative constructions include content questions (see Section 10.3.1), yes/no questions (see Section 10.3.2), tag question construction, to clarify a particular statement (see Section 10.3.3), rhetorical question constructions (see Section 10.3.4), and emphatic question constructions (see Section 10.3.5).

### **10.3.1 Content question construction**

Information questions use interrogative pronouns which must be clause-final. The interrogative pronouns (see Section 3.1.4) each fill a slot in the clause ac-

### 10 Clause

cording to the element they each are questioning. All elements in a clause can be questioned including subject, direct object, indirect object, verb, oblique, and noun modifier. The clause structure will always be arranged such that the element questioned is clause-final. Three main clause structures are employed in order to achieve clause-final interrogative pronouns. Table 10.2. shows the interrogative forms used for content questions.


Table 10.2: Content information constructions

The first clause structure that is employed is the verbal clause structure (SVO), but with substitution of a question word. The verbal clause structure is rearranged in the same manner as for constituent negation (see Section 10.2.3) in order to position the questioned element in the clause-final position so that it is replaced by the interrogative pronoun. Information questions in verbal clauses are paired with a response in (53–65) so that the structure of the interrogative clause can be compared with that of the declarative. Examples in this section are given in pairs. The first example in the pair shows the interrogative construction. The second example is the clause with the information filled in for comparison.

The direct object is questioned in (53). The presupposed information is that the man saw someone. Note that there are no other elements that follow the direct object in the verb phrase. The interrogative pronoun fills the direct object slot (identified by square brackets).

(53) Zar amənjar [**way**]? zar man à-mənzar 3s+pfv-see [**waj**] who 'Who did the man see?' 10.3 Interrogative constructions

(54) Zar amənjar [Mana]. zar man à-mənzar 3s+pfv-see [Mana] Mana 'The man saw Mana.'

A noun modifier is questioned in (55). The presupposed information is that the woman made some kind of sauce, and the question seeks to find out what kind of sauce. The interrogative pronoun *weley* 'which' is within the noun phrase delimited by square brackets in the example. Even though the interrogative pronoun is inside a noun phrase, that noun phrase is clause-final so the interrogative pronoun is the final word in the clause.


Example (57) questions the direct object of a subordinate clause, in this case a purpose adverbial clause (delimited by square brackets). The presupposed information is that the listener has come to do something. The interrogative pronoun *almay* 'what' is clause-final since the adverbial clause has no other elements following the direct object. Two possible responses are shown in (58)–(59).


10 Clause

(59) Nəlala [aməjənok]. nə̀-l=ala 1s+pfv-go=to [amə-dzən-ɔkʷ] dep-help-2s 'I came to help you.'

In (60), the indirect object is questioned. The presupposed information is that Mala gave a book to someone. The interrogative pronoun *way* 'who,' is located within a prepositional phrase identified by square brackets. That prepositional phrase is clause-final, so that again the interrogative pronoun is the final element in the clause.


In (62) and (64), an oblique is questioned. The presupposed information is that the woman plans to go to market sometime. The interrogative pronoun is the temporal element in the clause in (62). While temporal noun phrases can occur clause-initially, the interrogative pronoun is again found in the clause-final position.


The elements within non-core adpositional phrases are questioned using the generic location question word *amtamay* 'where' (64). This generic location question word does not need to be located inside an adpositional phrase, eliminating

10.3 Interrogative constructions

the possibility that the locational postposition would follow the interrogative pronoun in the clause allowing the interrogative pronoun to be clause-final. The presupposed information is that the hearer is going somewhere.


The second clause structure that is employed for interrogative constructions is the predicate nominal. The predicate nominal structure is employed for questioning an element of a predicate nominal clause. (66–71) are example pairs where the first of each pair is a question and the second is a possible response. In (66) an aspect of the nominal is questioned with the interrogative pronoun in a prepositional phrase. The prepositional phrase is delimited by square brackets.


In (68) and (70), the interrogative word itself is the predicate.

(68) Mogom ango [**amtamay**]? mɔgʷɔm=aŋgʷɔ home=2s.poss [**amtamaj**] where 'Where is your home?'

### 10 Clause


The predicate nominal clause is also used for questioning the subject in what would otherwise be a normal verbal clause (paralleling the case for the negative, see Section 10.2.3). The subject of what would be a verbal clause in a declarative speech act cannot be questioned using the SVO verbal clause construction in Moloko, because the clause can never be simply rearranged so that the subject is clause-final. For example, it is impossible to question the subject in (72) using the SVO verbal clause construction.<sup>2</sup>

(72) Hor ede ɗaf. hʷɔr woman ɛ-d-ɛ 3s-make-cl ɗaf millet loaf 'The woman is making millet loaf.'

To question the subject (73–74), the verbal clause must be reformed into a predicate nominal interrogative construction. The clause is reformed into a noun phrase with a relative clause so that the interrogative pronoun questioning the subject can be in clause-final position.

(73) Hor amədəye ɗaf na **way**? hʷɔr woman amɪ-d-ijɛ dep-make-cl ɗaf millet loaf na psp **waj** who 'Who is making millet loaf?' (lit. the woman that is making millet loaf [is] who?)

<sup>2</sup>Unless the emphatic question construction is used Section 10.3.5.

10.3 Interrogative constructions

(74) Hor amədəye ɗaf na **weley**? hʷɔr woman amə-d-ijɛ dep-make-cl ɗaf millet loaf na psp **wɛlɛj** which 'Which woman is making millet loaf?' (lit. the woman that is making millet loaf [is] which one?)

(75) and (77) show two other predicate nominal clauses that question what would be the subject of an otherwise verbal clause. (76) and (78) are possible responses to these questions.


The third structure for content information questions uses a right-shifted *na*marked element (see Section 11.3). This structure is employed in cases where it is impossible for a questioned verb phrase element to be clause-final. In (79), the direct object is questioned. In this case the direct object cannot be clausefinal since it is necessary to include the information *ana məlama ahan* 'to his brother,' and the prepositional phrase must follow the direct object in the verb phrase (Chapter 8). Thus in the interrogative structure, the interrogative pronoun replaces the direct object and the rest of the clause is put into a post-posed *na*marked phrase (underlined in this example). A possible response is shown in (80).

### 10 Clause


### **10.3.2 Yes-No question construction**

Yes/no questions are interrogative clauses which can be answered by a simple 'yes' or 'no' – they are not asking for content in the reply. Moloko uses the interrogative marker *ɗaw* at the end of what is otherwise a declarative clause to create yes/no interrogatives. Pure yes-no questions can be answered with either yes or no, but in Moloko there is often a degree of expectation to the question.<sup>3</sup> When a speaker asks a yes/no question (81–83), they are usually expecting an affirmative reply.

(81) Zar na ndahan baba a Mala **ɗaw**? zar man na psp ndahaŋ 3s baba father a gen Mala Mala **ɗaw** q 'That man, is he Mala's father?'

In (82), the speaker expects that Mana is on his way; he is asking for confirmation (but a negative response is always possible). Likewise in (83), he expects that the referent *zar ango* 'your husband' is well.

(82) Mana na álala **ɗaw**? Mana Mana na psp á-l=ala 3s+IPV-go=to **ɗaw** q

'Mana, is he coming?'

<sup>3</sup> Expectation is a central element in understanding Moloko grammar (see Section 7.4.3), as is what constitutes shared information with the hearer (see Chapter 11). Questions are constructed in Moloko with that knowledge and expectation in mind, even when seeking new information. Tag questions are discussed in Section 10.3.3.

10.3 Interrogative constructions

(83) Zar ango ndahan aba **ɗaw**? zar=aŋgʷɔ man=2s.poss ndahaŋ 3s aba ext **ɗaw** q 'Is your husband well?' (part of a greeting; lit. your husband, does he exist?)

There is often an even stronger affirmative expectation when the question is negated. Compare the positive and negative pairs of questions (84–89). Some of the negated questions can be used rhetorically (see Section 10.3.4), since the speaker already knows that the answer is yes. In the examples, the interrogative markers and the negative particles are bolded.


### 10 Clause

As is the case for the negation construction (see Section 10.2.3), it could be that the entire proposition in the clause is being questioned. However, it is often the case that only the final constituent is being questioned. Often the clause is restructured when a constituent of the clause is questioned so that the constituent is in final position. In (90) the direct object is fronted and marked as presupposed (it is the topic of discussion) so that the other elements in the clause are questioned (see Section 10.3.2). See also (82) where the subject is marked as presupposed and it is whether or not he is coming that is being questioned.

(90) Awak ango na, káaslay na **ɗaw**? awak=aŋgʷɔ goat=2s.poss na psp káá-ɬ-aj 2s+pot-slay-cl na 3s.do **ɗaw** q 'Your goat, are you going to slaughter it?'

### **10.3.3 Tag question construction**

Question tags can be attached at the end of what would otherwise be the construction used for a declarative clause to seek confirmation of a particular statement. In Moloko, a question tag is *kəyga bay ɗaw* 'is that not so?' The affirmative response is *kəyga* 'it is so.' The negative response is *kəyga bay* 'it is not so' with a statement to explain why the negative answer. Some rhetorical questions have a special question tag *esəmey* 'isn't that so' (see Section 10.3.4). In the examples below, what is under the scope of questioning is put in square brackets.


10.3 Interrogative constructions

Other question tags are evaluative. Example (94) is a question tag asked in a context where the speaker is examining something physically (perhaps at the market as he is considering to buy it) or analysing and evaluating an event.

(94) [Səlom ga] **ɗaw**? [sʊlɔm goodness ga] adj **ɗaw** q '[Is that] good?'

### **10.3.4 Rhetorical question construction**

In a rhetorical question, the speaker is not pragmatically asking for information. Rather, the questions can be evaluative, may carry an element of reproach, or may be a mild command. The context gives the rhetorical force. Some rhetorical questions have a special emphatic structure (see Section 10.3.5) but many have the normal interrogative structure for a content question (95–96, see Section 10.3.1). For example, the speaker is not seeking an explanation when he asks *kamay* 'why' in (95). More probably he is making a strong statement, 'the people had no reason to do this bad thing to me.' Likewise in (96), the speaker is saying that the listener will listen to no one.


Hərmbəlom na, amaɗaslava ala məze na, ndahan ese na, Hʊrmbʊlɔm God na psp ama-ɗaɬ=ava=ala dep-multiply=in=to mɪʒɛ person na psp ndahaŋ 3s ɛʃɛ again na psp 'God, the one who multiplied the people, him again,'

kagas ma Hərmbəlom na, asabay na, ka-gas 2s-catch ma word Hʊrmbʊlɔm God na psp asa-baj again-neg na psp '[if] you no longer accept the word of God,'

10 Clause

> káagas na anga **way**? káá-gas 2s+pot-catch na psp aŋga poss **waj** who 'you won't listen to anyone.' (lit. 'you will catch it [word] of whom?')

Other rhetorical questions have the same structure as a tag question (97–98, see Section 10.3.3). However either there is no expected answer or the expected answer is the opposite of that for a normal yes/no tag question. For example, during the telling of the text from which (97) is taken, when the storyteller asked the rhetorical question *lala ɗaw* '[is that] good?' the people in the audience replied *lala bay* '[it is] not good.' (even though the answer was obvious from the story). Likewise, in (98), the audience replied *səlom ga* '[it is] good' to the rhetorical question *səlom ga bay ɗaw* '[is that] not good?'

(97) Kólo kagas anga məze kək, lala **ɗaw**? kɔ́-lɔ 2s+ifv-go kà-gas 2s+pfv-catch aŋga poss mɪʒɛ person kək id:catch by throat lala good **ɗaw** q '[If] you catch [something] belonging to someone else [and steal it], [is that] good?'

(98) Kólo ele ango, səlom ga bay **ɗaw**? kɔ́-lɔ 2s+ifv-go ɛlɛ=aŋgʷɔ thing=2s.poss sʊlɔm good ga adj baj neg **ɗaw** q '[If] you mind your own business (lit. go to your things), [is that] not good?'

A particular question tag, *esəmey* 'isn't that so' carries an element of reproach. There is no expected answer to the question in (99). The message is a strong declaration that the speaker had already told something to the hearer.

(99) [Nahok ma fan] **esəmey**? [nà-h=ɔkʷ 1s+pfv-tell=2s.io ma word faŋ] already **ɛʃɪmɛj** isn't that so 'I already told you, didn't I?'

### **10.3.5 Emphatic question construction**

Emphatic questions do not ask for information, but rather make an emphatic statement or carry imperatival force. As such they are a sub-type of rhetorical 10.3 Interrogative constructions

questions (see Section 10.3.4). The emphatic question construction uses two interrogative pronouns, a reduced emphatic pronoun within the clause in the normal slot for the element questioned, and the other a sometimes reduced pronoun at the end of the clause.

These reduced interrogative pronouns are *wa* (from *way* 'who') in (100), (102), (103), *may* and *alma* (from *almay* 'what') in (101) and (104), respectively, *malma* (from *malmay* 'what') in (105), and *meme* and *mey* (from *memey* 'how') in (106).

(100) **Wa** aməgok na **way**? **wa** who amə-g=ɔk dep-do=2s.io na 3s.do **waj** who '*What* is wrong?' / 'Stop crying!' (lit. who to do it to you, who)


**waj**

who

'*Who* can I find to bring to me this tree for me? *Who*?' / '*Someone* should be able to bring me this tree.'

(103) **Wa** andaɗay **way**? **wa** who a-ndaɗ-aj 3s-love-cl **waj** who 'Who loves whom?' / 'No one loves him.'

(104) **Alma** amədəvala okfom na **may**? **alma** what amə-dəv=ala dep-trip=to ɔkʷfɔm mouse na psp **maj** what '*What* was it that made that mouse fall? *What*?' / 'What else [but a snake] makes a mouse fall?'

10 Clause

(105) **Malma** awəlok **may**? **malma** what a-wəl=ɔkʷ 3s-hurt=2s.io **maj** what '*What* is bothering (hurting) you? *What*?' / '*Nothing* should be bothering you.'

(106) **Meme** ege **mey**?

**mɛmɛ** how ɛ-g-ɛ 3s-do-cl **mɛj** how? '*What* happened?' / 'Why did you do that?' / 'Stop the foolishness.' (lit. how did it do?)

### **10.4 Imperative constructions**

There are several types of imperative constructions in Moloko, which are used in different situations, sometimes to express different degrees of obligation. So far six different constructions have been identified, each with a different force of exhortation. They are shown in Table 10.3. Some constructions use the imperative mood form of the verb (see Section 7.2), others use Imperfective aspect or irrealis mood or are in the form of a rhetorical question (see Section 10.3.4). Table 10.3 illustrates all of the imperative constructions for the verb /*lo*/ 'go.' The verb forms are also shown in Perfective and Imperfective aspect (lines 1 and 2) for comparison.

The imperative form of the verb is used for an immediate command (107–109, line 3 of Table 10.3). The verb is in the imperative mood (see Section 7.2) and can be preceded by a vocative. The addressee is expected to carry out the order in the immediate future as opposed to commands that demand reflection before carrying them out. In hortatory texts, imperatives are not usually found in the body of the exhortation since the hearer is expected to wait until the discourse is finished before carrying out the instructions.

(107) Lohom a mogom. lɔhʷ-ɔm go-2p a at mɔgʷɔm home 'Go home!'



10 Clause

(108) Zəmok ɗaf. zʊm-ɔkʷ eat-1Pin ɗaf millet loaf 'Let's eat!'

(109) Cəke. tʃɪk-ɛ stand[2s.imp]-cl 'Stand up!'

The word *etey* or *ete* 'please' can be added to other clause types (110–111, line 5 in Table 10.3) to achieve a milder pragmatic imperative force than the use of the construction without the polite adverb.

(110) Nde na asaw na, gaw na **etey**? ndɛ so na psp a-s=aw 3s-please=1s.io na psp g=aw do=1s.io na 3s.do **ɛtɛj** please 'So I want that you do that for me, please.'

(111) Nə́njakay yam **ete** ɗaw? nə́-nzak-aj 1s+ifv-find-cl jam water **ɛtɛ** please ɗaw q 'Could you please get me some water?' (lit. can I find water please)

A negated clause in the Imperfective aspect expresses a negative exhortation or statement of expectation (112–113, line 5 in Table 10.3). In second person (112), the negative expectation carries a weak hortative force. The speaker is expressing that he/she expects the addressee not to carry out the action. In third person (113) the negative expectation is not hortatory, but rather simply expresses that the speaker does not expect that the action will be performed.

(112) Kámənjar fabay. ká-mənzār 2s+ifv-see fá-bàj already-neg 'Don't look at it yet.' (I don't expect you to look at it).

(113) Á-mənjar fabay. á-mənzār 3s+ifv-see fá-bàj already-neg 'I don't think he looked at it.' (I don't expect that he looked at it). 10.5 Exclamatory constructions

A clause with a verb in the Hortative mood (line 6 in Table 10.3, see Section 7.4.3) concentrates on the will of the speaker – the speaker wishes the action done. This form is illustrated for 3s in (114).

(114) Mamənjar fabay. mà-mənzār 2s+hor-see fá-bàj already-neg 'He/she shouldn't look at it yet.' / 'Don't let him/her look at it.' (I don't expect him/her to look at it).

An even stronger deontic form is made by the addition of an adverb of obligation (*dewele* 'obligation' (116), *səy* 'only' 115–117) preceding the clause, with the verb in Hortative mood (line 7 in Table 10.3). Imperative forms with an adverb of obligation indicate that the hearer is obligated to do something (he/she has no choice, there is no other way). These forms are used to give an order with insistence, a strong counsel.


### **10.5 Exclamatory constructions**

Exclamatory sentences have either an interjection at the initial position (118) or one of several exclamatory adverbs at the final position (119–122). In the examples, the interjections and exclamatory adverbs are bolded.

(118) **Kay**, nege na bay! **kaj** interj. nɛ̀-g-ɛ 1s+pfv-do-cl na 3s.do baj neg 'No, I didn't do it!'

(119) Apazan nok awəy Məwsa álala; apazaŋ yesterday nɔkʷ 2s awij said Muwsa Moses á-l=ala 3s+ifv-go=to 'Yesterday you said that Moses would come;'

> macakəmbay aməlala na ndahan bay **nəy**! matsakəmbaj meanwhile amə-l=ala dep-go=to na psp ndahaŋ 3s baj neg **nij** exclamation 'but the one that came was not him after all!'


### (122) Values, 50

Epele epele na me, Hərmbəlom anday agas ta a ahar ava **re**! ɛpɛlɛ ɛpɛlɛ idin the future na psp mɛ opinion Hʊrmbʊlɔm God a-ndaj 3s-prog a-gas 3s-catch ta 3p.do

a at ahar hand ava in **rɛ** in spite

'In the future in my opinion, God is going to accept them [the elders] in his hands, in spite [of what anyone says]!'

## **11 The** *na* **marker and** *na* **constructions**

Knowledge of how the particle *na* works in Moloko is foundational to understanding information flow and interpreting a Moloko text. Expectation is a concept that is fundamental for Moloko. Within the irrealis world, this concept has already been discussed (mood, see Section 7.4.3). Within the realis world, expectation is shown in other forms. One of these forms is the *na* construction or presupposition construction. Known or expected elements are marked with *na*, which is found at the right edge of the element it modifies.

A very basic knowledge of *na* can be gained from studying the example pair below. Example (1) illustrates how a person would tell another person her name during a conversation. However, if the addressee first asked the person to give her name, then 'name' will be marked with *na* in the response (2). Structurally, *na* isolates or separates some element in a clause or sentence from the rest of the clause. In (2), it separates the predicate *sləmay=əwla* 'my name' from the nominal *Abangay*. In the examples in this chapter, *na* is bolded and the element marked by *na* is underlined.


*Na* is a separate phonological word that positions at the end of a noun phrase (2)–(3), time phrase (33), discourse particle (34), or clause (4) that is being marked. *Na* has semantic scope over the preceding construction. When an element in a clause, or the clause itself, is marked with *na*, it is marked as being known or expected information that is somehow a prerequisite to the information that fol-

### 11 The na marker and na constructions

lows.<sup>1</sup> This structure for marking information as presupposed is a basic organisational structure with a major function in certain Moloko clause structures and discourse.<sup>2</sup>


tə̀-lɔ 3p+pfv-go tə̀-nzak-aj 3p+pfv-find-cl agʷaɮa spp. of tree malaŋ large ga adj a at lɪhɛ bush 'they went and found a large tree (a particular species) in the bush.'

Pragmatic presupposition is defined by Lambrecht (1994: 52) as "the set of presuppositions lexicogrammatically evoked in a sentence which the speaker assumes the hearer already knows or is ready to take for granted at the time the sentence is uttered." In Moloko, *na*-marked elements indicate information that the speaker shares with the hearer in that the element has been previously mentioned in the discourse, is the expected part of the situation, is the expected outcome of an event, or is assumed to be common knowledge or a cultural assumption. *Na* -marked elements are the way that the speaker presents any information that he thinks the hearer should not be able to (or would not want to) challenge.

The partitioning that *na* produces results in the clause being split into two parts: the presupposition (followed by *na*) and the assertion. The assertion is that part of the sentence which the speaker expects "the hearer knows or is ready to take for granted at the time the sentence is uttered" (Lambrecht 1994: 52), but not necessarily before hearing it. In the following example groups,<sup>3</sup> the first gives

<sup>1</sup>The presupposition marker and the 3s direct object pronominal (Section 7.3.3) are homophones; both function (in different ways) to mark previously identified information.

<sup>2</sup>Bow (1997c) called *na* a focus marker. We have found that the function of *na* is not limited to focus. In related languages, a similar particle has often been referred to as a 'topicalisation' marker, but the fronting and special marking that Levinsohn (1994) describes as topic marking is only one of the functions of this particle in Moloko.

<sup>3</sup>Adapted from Boyd 2002.

the normal SVO clause structure without any *na*-marked element. The rest have *na*-marked elements (underlined). In the first triplet, (5) represents a context where there is no specific presupposed information (and there is no *na* marker). Example (6) represents a situation where the presupposed information (marked with *na*) is 'I like X' and the topic of the discourse is what is liked. A context where the presupposed information is 'beans' is shown in (7).

(5) Hahar asaw.

hahar beans a-s=aw 3s-like=1s.io 'I like beans.' (lit. beans are pleasing to me) Presupposition: Nothing specific.

(6) Asaw **na**, hahar.

a-s=aw 3s-like=1s.io **na** psp hahar beans '[what] I like [is] beans.' Presupposition: I like something (X). Assertion: X=beans. Focus of assertion: Beans.

(7) Hahar **na** asaw.

hahar beans **na** psp a-s=aw 3s-like=1s.io 'As for beans, I like them.' Presupposition 1: Beans are the topic of this part of the discourse. Presupposition 2: Beans have some attribute (X). Assertion : X=I like them. Focus of assertion: I like them.

The rearranging of the construction to front the presupposed information in the clause is shown by another set of examples (8–11). There is no specific presupposition (and no *na* marker) in (8) while (9) represents a situation where Hawa is presupposed – the hearer knows who she is and Hawa is the topic of discussion. Example (10) is similar to (9) except that the relative clause also indicates known information (see Section 5.4.3) so the fact that someone prepared the food is also presupposed. In (11), the presupposed information is 'someone made the food' (or 'X made the food').


'Hawa [is] the one who prepared the millet loaf for him.' Presupposition 1: The hearer knows who Hawa is. Presupposition 2: Hawa is the topic of this section of discourse, or Hawa did something (X). Assertion: X= prepared the millet.

(10) Hawa **na**, amadan ɗaf.

Hawa Hawa **na** psp ama-d=aŋ dep-prepare=3s.io ɗaf millet loaf

'Hawa [is] the one that prepared the millet loaf for him.' Presupposition 1: The hearer knows who Hawa is. Presupposition 2: Hawa is the topic of this section of discourse (a contrastive topic). Presupposition 3: Someone (X) prepared the millet loaf. Assertion: Hawa is the person who prepared the millet loaf.

(11) Amadan ɗaf **na**, Hawa.

ama-d=aŋ dep-prepare=3s.io ɗaf millet loaf **na** psp Hawa Hawa 'The preparer of his millet loaf [is] Hawa.' Presupposition: Someone (X) prepared the millet loaf. Assertion: X=Hawa (the hearer may not know who Hawa is).

*Na* constructions in Moloko can be divided into five main structural types, depending on which element is presupposed and which element is the assertion. These structural types fit the main ways that *na* constructions function in Moloko discourse. The five structural types are:


Note that in the examples, *na* is always glossed as psp 'presupposition marker,' even if its more specific function in a particular utterance might be argued to be for focus or definiteness, as marking presupposition is its overall function. It is probable that the different functions of *na* overlap, since structurally, it is often difficult if not impossible in some cases to determine whether *na* is at the end of a noun phrase or a clause. It is also likely that the functions of *na* overlap with those of the 3s direct object pronominal (see Section 7.3.3) since in certain contexts, it is difficult to determine with certainty whether *na* is psp or the 3s do pronominal. The examples used in the text are chosen to clearly illustrate the function of *na*.

### 11 The na marker and na constructions

## **11.1 Presupposition-assertion construction:** *na***-marked clause**

There are two presupposition-assertion constructions depending on if the entire clause is marked with *na* or if just one clausal element is marked (see Section 11.2). The *na*-marked clause presupposition-assertion construction consists of an entire clause marked with *na* and fronted with respect to another clause (12–14). The *na*marked clause presupposition-assertion construction functions in discourse in inter-clausal relations and is involved in discourse cohesion. The clause marked with *na* expresses presupposed or shared information, and the main clause that follows contains asserted information. The precise relation between the *na* clause and the main clause is determined by context (see Section 12.4). In the examples in this section, the *na*-marked clause is underlined.

(12) Cicada, S. 5

Tánday tə́talay a ləhe **na**, tá-ndaj 3p+ifv-prg tə́-tal-aj 3p+ifv-walk-cl a at lɪhɛ bush **na** psp '[As] they were walking in the bush,' tolo tənjakay agwazla malan ga a ləhe. tə̀-lɔ 3p+pfv-go tə̀-nzak-aj 3p+pfv-find-cl agʷaɮa spp. of tree malaŋ large ga adj a at lɪhɛ bush '[As] they were walking in the bush, they went and found a large tree (a particular species) in the bush.'

(13) Tə́nday táhaya **na**, həmbo ga

tə́-ndaj 3p+ifv-prg tá-h=aja 3p+ifv-grind=plu **na** psp hʊmbɔ flour ga adj 'They were grinding it, [and] the flour'

ánday ásak ele ahan wəsekeke. á-ndaj 3s+ifv-prg á-sak 3s+ifv-multiply ɛlɛ thing =ahaŋ =3s.poss wuʃɛkɛkɛ id:multiply 'was multiplying all by itself, *wəsekeke*.'

(14) Disobedient Girl, S. 36

Talay war elé háy bəlen kə ver aka **na**, ásak asabay. talaj id:put war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one kə on vɛr stone aka on **na** psp á-sak 3s+ifv-multiply

### 11.1 Presupposition-assertion construction: *na*-marked clause

```
asa-baj
```
again-neg

'[If] they put one grain on the grinding stone, it doesn't multiply anymore.'

A *na*-marked clause in Moloko can function adverbially, because it is marked as subordinate (in a way) to the main clause, but it gives no explicit signal as to the nature of the sematic relationship between the two clauses. The only thing it indicates is that the *na*-marked clause is presented as presupposed, and somehow relevant to the following clause. The relations that *na* clauses are employed in are temporal or logical sequence (see Section 11.1.1), simultaneous or coordinated events (see Section 11.1.2), and tail-head linking for cohesion (see Section 11.1.3).

### **11.1.1 Temporal or logical sequence**

The default relation between a *na*-marked clause and the matrix clause in a *na* construction is that there is a sequence (temporal or logical) and the event/state expressed by the *na*-marked clause precedes the event/state in the main clause. Examples (15) and (16) are both taken from a Moloko legend (from the Leopard story,Friesen 2003) where some domestic animals are fleeing their owners because the owners are constantly killing the animals' children in order to satisfy the demands of the spirits. A reason-result construction is shown in (15).<sup>4</sup> A hen begins the story with her lament expressing the reason why she is fleeing. She first states, "They have killed my children," then uses a *na* construction to say that *because* they have killed her children, she is fleeing in anger. The *na*-marked clause repeats the information she just declared in the first clause. This now presupposed information ('they are killing my children') is followed by the matrix clause containing the assertion of new information (I am fleeing in anger). Connecting the two clauses in a presupposition-assertion construction influences the hearer to deduce a logical or temporal connection between the two clauses; here reason-result.

(15) Tanday taslaw aka babəza ahay va. ta-nd-aj 3p-prog-cl ta-ɬ=aw 3p-kill=1s.io =aka =on babəza=ahaj=va children=Pl=prf 'They have killed my children.'

<sup>4</sup> It is also an example of tail-head linking, see Section 11.1.3.

### 11 The na marker and na constructions

Nde, taslaw aka babəza ahay va **na**, ndɛ so ta-ɬ =aw 3p-kill=1s.io =aka =on babəza =ahaj =va children=Pl=prf **na** psp 'So, [because] they are killing my children,' nəhəmay mogo ele əwla. nə-həm-aj 1s-run-cl mɔgʷɔ anger ɛlɛ=uwla thing=1s.poss 'I am running [in] anger.' (lit. I am running my anger thing).

Example (16) shows a temporal sequence (or perhaps another reason-result construction) from a little later in the same legend. The group of animals is joined by a dog. The dog expresses that whenever a person in the family gets sick, the family will be advised to kill a dog, because dog meat is thought to be especially good to help a sick person get stronger. The dog's speech uses a *na* construction to express this relation. The *na*-marked clause indicates the condition for the event expressed in the main clause. In this case the clause marked by *na* ('a person gets sick') is not previously mentioned in the discourse, but rather is a fact of life, a cultural presupposition.

(16) Cəje agan ana məze **na**, tawəy, "Kəɗom kəra." tʃɪdʒɛ disease a-g =aŋ 3s-do=3s.io ana dat mɪʒɛ person **na** psp tawij 3p+said kʊɗ-ɔm kill[imp]-2p kəra dog '[If] a person gets sick (lit. sickness does to person), they say, "Kill a dog!" [for the sick person to eat].'

Examples (17) and (18) are from another legend that talks about how God used to live very close to people. However one day, a woman did something that made God angry, and so he moved far away from them. The narrator expresses the relation between God becoming angry and his moving away using a *na* construction (17) where the *na*-marked clause indicates God's anger (the reason for his leaving) and the main clause indicates the result (he went away).

(17) Hərmbəlom na ɓərav ahan atəkam alay **na**, avahay ele ahan botot. Hʊrmbʊlɔm God na psp ɓərav =ahaŋ heart=3s.poss a-təkam =alaj 3s-taste=away **na** psp a-vah-aj 3s-fly-cl ɛlɛ=ahaŋ thing=3s.poss bɔtɔt id:flying 'God (for his part) got angry; [and so] he went away.' (lit. God, he tasted his heart, he flew his thing)

### 11.1 Presupposition-assertion construction: *na*-marked clause

Example (18) is from the conclusion of the same legend where the narrator uses a *na* construction to express a counterexpectation. Although people may seek paradise, they won't find it because God has gone far away (because of what the woman did). In the *na* construction, the *na*-marked clause expresses what people seek, and the main clause expresses that they won't find it.

(18) Mənjokok egəne sləlay mbəlom **na**, Hərmbəlom enjé dəren. mə-nzɔk-ɔkʷ 1Pin-seek/find-2Pin ɛgɪnɛ today ɬəlaj root mbəlɔm sky **na** psp Hʊrmbʊlɔm God ɛ-nʒ-ɛ 3s-left-cl

dɪrɛŋ

far

'[Although] today we seek paradise, God has gone far away.' (lit. we seek today the root of the sky, God has gone far away.)

Example (19) is from the Values exhortation and illustrates a reason-result connection. There is no connecting conjunction in either of the clauses; however the reader can discern that there is a logical connection between the first clause '[If] you will ever accept the word of God' (marked in five places with *na,* see Section 11.5) and the second 'whose word will you accept [then]?' (a rhetorical question, see Section 10.3.4).

(19) Values, S. 29


kagas ma Hərmbəlom **na**, asabay **na**, ka-gas 2s-catch ma word Hʊrmbʊlɔm God na psp asa-baj again-neg **na** psp

'[if] you no longer accept the word of God,'

[káagas **na** anga way]? [káá-gas 2s+pot-catch **na** psp aŋga poss waj] who

'[then] you will never accept anyone's word.' (lit. whose [word] will you accept?)

### 11 The na marker and na constructions

### **11.1.2 Simultaneous events**

When the verb in the *na* clause is progressive aspect, the events/states in both clauses are simultaneous. In (20) (from the Leopard story, Friesen 2003) a *na* clause indicates a presupposed event that is occuring while the event in the main clause happens.<sup>5</sup> The verb *anday etəwe* 'she is crying' is progressive aspect. Also see (12), (13).

(20) Atəwalay "Bababa kəlak kəlak kəlak." Anday etəwe **na**, anjakay awak. a-tuw=alaj 3s-cry=away bababa kəlak kəlak kəlak sound of hen a-ndaj 3s-prg ɛ-tuw-ɛ 3s-cry-cl **na** psp a-nzak-aj 3s-find-cl awak goat 'She cried, "*Bababa kəlak kəlak kəlak*." As she was crying, she found a goat.'

### **11.1.3 Tail-head linking for cohesion**

In a discourse, the speaker will use several devices to ensure that the hearers can follow what is being said; i.e., to help track participants through the narrative, connect events, and understand logical connections. One of the ways cohesion is achieved in Moloko discourse is by the use of the presupposition marker *na* to mark presupposed (including previously-introduced) information. Cohesion is also created using a special construction that Longacre calls "tail-head repetition" (Longacre 1976: 204). In this construction, an element previously mentioned in a discourse is repeated in a subsequent sentence in order to provide a cohesive link between new information and the preceding discourse. In Moloko, a clause on the event line is first asserted and then at the beginning of the next sentence the same propositional content may be repeated almost word for word and marked at the end by *na*. Several examples are shown below. Example (21) comes from a different retelling of the Disobedient Girl text than is shown in Section 1.5. The final element of *təhaya na kə ver aka* 'they ground it on the grinding stone' is repeated in the next line and marked with *na* as the first element of the next sentence *tənday táhaya na* 'they were grinding it *na*.' In (21–26), the clause containing the element to be repeated is delimited by square brackets and the *na*marked clause in the next sentence is underlined. The element that is repeated in both clauses is bolded.

<sup>5</sup> Example (20) is an example of tail-head linking (Section 11.1.3) where the example is repeated.

11.1 Presupposition-assertion construction: *na*-marked clause

(21) Tázaɗ na háy, war elé háy bəlen na, tá-zaɗ 3p+ifv-take na 3s.do haj, millet war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one na psp 'They would take one grain of millet;'

> [**tə́haya** na kə ver aka]. [**tə́-h=aja** 3s+ifv-grind=plu na 3s.do kə on vɛr stone aka] on 'they ground it on the grinding stone.'

Tə́nday **táhaya** na, tə́-ndaj 3p+ifv-prg **tá-h =aja** 3p+ifv-grind=plu na psp

'As they were grinding it,'

həmbo ga ánday ásak ele ahan wəsekeke. hʊmbɔ flour ga adj á-ndaj 3s+ifv-prg á-sak 3s+ifv-multiply ɛlɛ=ahaŋ thing=3s.poss wuʃɛkɛkɛ id:multiply 'the flour was multiplying all by itself *wəshekeke*.'

Another tail-head link can be seen a little further in the same narrative in (22).

(22) [**Ánday ásakaka**]. [**á-ndaj** 3s+ifv-prog **á-sak=aka**] 3s+ifv-multiply=on 'It is multiplying.'

> **Ánday ásakaka** wəsekeke na, **á-ndaj** 3s+ifv-prg **á-sak =aka** 3s+ifv-multiply=on wuʃɛkɛkɛ id:multiply na psp 'As it is multiplying *wəsekeke*,' ver árəhva mbaf.

vɛr room á-rəh=va 3s+ifv-fill=prf mbaf id:up to the roof 'the room filled completely up *mbaf*.'

Likewise, other tail head links can be seen in (23) (from lines 3-5 in the Cicada text), (24) (from lines 9-10 in the Snake story), and (25) (from the Leopard story, Friesen 2003).

(23) Cicada, S. 3 Albaya ahay aba. albaja=ahaj youth=Pl aba ext 'There were some young men.'

> Cicada, S. 4 [**Tánday tə́talay a ləhe**]. [**tá-ndaj** 3p+ifv-prg **tə́-tal-aj** 3p+ifv-walk-cl **a** to **lɪhɛ**] bush

'They were walking in the bush.'

Cicada, S. 5 **Tánday tə́talay a ləhe** na, tolo tənjakay agwazla malan ga a ləhe. **tá-ndaj** 3p+ifv-prg **tə́-tal-aj** 3p-walk-cl **a** at **lɪhɛ** bush na psp

'[As] they were walking in the bush,'

tə-lɔ 3p+pfv-go tə-nzak-aj 3p+pfv-find-cl agʷaɮa spp. of tree malaŋ large ga adj a at lɪhɛ bush 'they went and found a large tree (a particular species) in the bush.'

```
(24) Snake, S. 9
```
Nazala təystəlam əwla. nà-z=ala 1s+pfv-take=to tijstəlam=uwla torch=1s.poss 'I took my flashlight.'

[**Nabay** cəzlarr]. [**nà-b-aj** 1s+pfv-light-cl tsəɮarr] id:shining the flashlight up

'I shone it up *cəzlarr*.'

Snake, S. 10

**Nábay** na, námənjar na mbajak mbajak mbajak

**ná-b-aj** 1s+ifv-light-cl na 3s.do ná-mənzar 1s+ifv-see na psp mbajak mbajak mbajak id:something big and reflective

'[As] I shone [it], I was seeing it, something big and reflective *mbajak*,' gogolvan.

### 11.1 Presupposition-assertion construction: *na*-marked clause

gʷɔgʷɔlvaŋ snake 'a snake!'

(25) [**Atəwalay** "Bababa kəlak kəlak kəlak."] [**a-tuw=alaj** 3s-cry=away bababa kəlak kəlak kəlak] sound of hen 'She cried, "*Bababa kəlak kəlak kəlak*."'

> Anday **etəwe** na, anjakay awak. a-ndaj 3s-prg **ɛ-tuw-ɛ** 3s-cry-cl na psp a-nzak-aj 3s-find-cl awak goat 'As she was crying, she found a goat.'

Sometimes the tail and head elements are not identical. For example, the expected (but not overtly-named) result of a previous proposition can be expressed in a subsequent clause and that result marked with *na*. Example (26) is from lines 27 and 28 of the Disobedient Girl text shown in Section Section 1.5. The first sentence (*zar ahan angala*) tells of the return of the husband. The next sentence is *pok mapalay mahay* 'opening the door,' which is an expected event when a person returns home. The *na*-marked clause in the second sentence is presupposed information since although it does not literally repeat the information in the previous sentence, it refers to information which is a natural outcome of it. The construction still provides cohesion to the text because subsequent events are linked together.

(26) Disobedient Girl, S. 27

[Embesen cacapa na, **zar ahan angala.**] [ɛ-mbɛʃɛŋ 3s-rest tsatsapa some time na, psp **zar=ahaŋ** man=3s.poss **à-ŋgala**] 3s+pfv-return 'After a while, her husband came back.'

Disobedient Girl, S. 28

Pok mapalay mahay na, həmbo árah na a hoɗ a hay ava.

pɔk id:open ma-p=alaj nom-open=away mahaj door na psp hʊmbɔ flour á-rax 3s+ifv-fill na 3s.do a at hʷɔɗ stomach

a gen haj house ava in

'Opening the door, the flour filled the stomach (the interior) of the house.'

### 11 The na marker and na constructions

## **11.2 Presupposition-assertion construction:** *na***-marked clausal element**

The second type of presupposition-assertion construction occurs when a single clausal element is fronted and marked with *na*. *Na* marks (occurs immediately after): a) presuppositions and b) topics (including contrastive topics). In both cases the clausal element immediately preceding *na* is part of an understood presupposition. The part of the clause following *na* is the assertion which contains new information the speaker wants to communicate.

The normal order of elements in a Moloko clause (without *na*) is SVO. Figure 11.1. illustrates the constituents in a declarative clause, combining Figure 8.1. and Figure 10.1. so that the verb phrase constituents are also shown.


Figure 11.1: Constituents of the clause

In a presupposition-assertion construction, one (or more) of the clause or verb phrase elements is marked with *na* and fronted with respect to the subject noun phrase and the verb phrase. The fronted construction is illustrated in Figure 11.2.

```
(Discourse particle or temporal adverb) Fronted element + na (Subject noun phrase) Verb phrase
```
Figure 11.2: Constituent order of Presupposition construction

The examples below show the presupposed element can be almost any element of the clause: the subject (27–28), the direct object (29–30), or an oblique (31 and 32). A discourse conjunction or temporal can also be marked as being presupposed (33–35). In each case, the fronted element is presupposed in the discourse – it is a known or culturally expected participant, location (spatial or temporal), or object. It is noteworthy that neither verbs by themselves, nor an existential word, nor 'body-part' incorporated nouns, nor ideophones can be fronted and marked as presupposed. In the following examples, the presupposed element is underlined and the presupposition marker *na* is bolded. The *na*-marked element and the assertion are marked in (27).

*Na*-marked element Assertion

(27) Cicada, S. 19 Kəlen bahay **na**, olo kə mətəɗe aka. kɪlɛŋ then bahaj chief **na** psp ɔ̀-lɔ 3s+pfv-go kə on mɪtɪɗɛ cicada aka on 'Then the chief, he went to the cicada.'

(28) Həmbo **na**, anday ásəkala azla wəsekeke. hʊmbɔ flour **na** psp à-ndaj 3s+pfv-prg á-sək=ala 3s+ifv-multiply=to aɮa now wuʃɛkɛkɛ id:multiply 'The flour, it is multiplying *wəsekeke*.'


Kə mahay aka **na**, námbasaka **na**, mama agwazla səlom ga lala. kə on mahaj door aka on **na** psp ná-mbas =aka 1s+ifv-rest=on **na** psp mama mother agʷaɮa spp. of tree sʊlɔm good ga adj lala well

'By my door, I will be able to rest well; the mother tree [is] good.'

(32) Values, S. 13

A məsəyon ava **na**, ele ahay aməwəsle **na**, tege bay. a at mʊsijɔŋ mission ava in **na** psp ɛlɛ =ahaj thing=Pl amu-wuɬ-ɛ dep-forbid-cl **na** psp tɛ-g-ɛ 3p-do-cl baj neg 'In the church, these things that are forbidden, they don't do.'

Although the presupposition-assertion construction is structurally a clause level phenomenon, it can function in information structuring at the proposition

### 11 The na marker and na constructions

level both to mark a boundary in a discourse, to set topic, and in participant tracking. When a discourse conjunction or temporal adverb is marked as presupposed (33–35, see also 49 from Section 11.5), the clause as a whole marks a boundary in the discourse. Such a clause often indicates a time change or an episode boundary. Most of the episodes in the Disobedient Girl story (see Section 1.5) begin with a conjuction marked with *na* (34) or a *na*-marked temporal phrase (33, 35). All *na*-marked elements are underlined in the examples.


Embesen cacapa **na**, zar ahan angala. ɛ̀-mbɛʃɛŋ 3s-rest tsatsapa after some time **na** psp zar=ahaŋ man=3s.poss à-ŋgala 3s+pfv-return 'After a while, her husband came back.'

The presupposition-assertion construction is also used to mark topic for participant shifts.<sup>6</sup> The *na*-marked element will be the main participant of the clauses that follow it, until there is another *na*-marked clause-initial element. Lambrecht (1994: 151) says,

"what is presupposed in a topic-comment relations is not the topic itself, nor its referent, but the fact that topic referent can be expected to play a role in a given proposition, due to its status as a center of interest or matter of concern in the conversation. It is this property that most clearly distinguishes

<sup>6</sup>Called 'subject' in Chafe (1976).

### 11.2 Presupposition-assertion construction: *na*-marked clausal element

topic arguments from focus arguments, whose role in the proposition is always unpredictable at the time of utterance…One therefore ought not to say that a topic referent "is presupposed" but that, given its discourse status, it is presupposed to play a role in a given proposition."

*Na* can be thought of as a kind of spotlight, drawing attention to that alreadyknown participant as one to which new or asserted information will be somehow related. Lines S. 12, 14, and 15 from the Disobedient Girl text are shown in (36). In S. 12, *zar ahan* 'her husband' is marked with *na*. <sup>7</sup> He is the subject of all of the clauses until *hor* 'the woman' is marked with *na* in S.14. Then, the woman is the subject of all the clauses until the flour is marked with *na* in S.23. *Na*-marking thus functions here in shifting the spotlight from one participant as topic to another. In these examples, only the *na*-marked participants are underlined.

(36) Disobedient Girl, S. 12

Sen ala na, zar ahan **na**, dək medakan na mənəye ata. ʃɛŋ=ala id:go=to na psp zar =ahaŋ man=3s.poss **na** psp dək id:show mɛ-dak=aŋ nom-show=3s.io na 3s.do

mɪ-nʒ-ijɛ=atəta nom-sit-cl=3p.poss 'Then her husband instructed her in their habits.' (lit. going, her husband instructing their sitting)

(37) Disobedient Girl, S. 14-15

Hor **na**, ambəɗan aka awəy, "Ayokon zar golo." hʷɔr woman **na** psp a-mbəɗ=aŋ 3s-change=3s.io =aka =on awij said ajɔkʷɔŋ agreed zar man gʷɔlɔ hon 'The woman replied. She said, "Yes, my dear husband."'

Marking with *na* can also mark contrastive topic; i.e., a section of discourse will be 'about' that participant, instead of whatever the preceding section of discourse was about. (38), which comes from a Moloko song, marks a participant shift but also functions to contrast the speaker's situation with others just mentioned in the discourse.<sup>8</sup>

<sup>7</sup>The double *na*-marked elements *senala na* 'later' and *zar ahan na* 'her husband' function to build up tension (see Section 11.5 for further discussion).

<sup>8</sup>This is called 'contrastiveness' in Chafe (1976).

### 11 The na marker and na constructions

(38) Ndam akar ahay ténje a avəya ava. ndam people akar=ahaj theft=Pl tɛ-nʒ-ɛ 3p+ifv-sit-cl a at avija suffering ava in '(On that day) thieves will be in suffering;'

> Ne **na**, nénje nə memle ga. nɛ 1s **na** psp nɛ́-nʒ-ɛ 1s+ifv-sit-cl nə with mɛmlɛ joy ga adj '[but] as for me, I will rest in joy.'

## **11.3 Assertion-presupposition construction: right-shifted** *na***-marked element**

The assertion-presupposition construction occurs when the (*na*-marked) presupposed element is placed after the main clause. This construction is found in concluding statements that explain what has happened in a discourse.<sup>9</sup> In (39), from the concluding lines of a narrative, the *na*-marked elements that occur in a dependent clause that occurs after the matrix clause explain the problem that the discourse deals with – the fact that cows have destroyed a field.<sup>10</sup>

(39) Kógom ala na memey, sla ahay na aməzəme gəvah **na**. kɔ́-gʷ-ɔm 2+ifv-do-1Pin =ala =to na psp mɛmɛj how ɬa =ahaj cow=Pl na psp amɪ-ʒʊm-ɛ dep-eat-cl gəvax field **na** psp 'What are you going to do [since] the cows ate up the field?' (lit. you will do how, the cows having eaten the field)

In (40), the *na*-marked final element is a relative clause explaining the main point of the narrative – that the woman had brought a curse onto the Moloko people by what she had done.

(40) Disobedient Girl, S. 38 Metesle anga war dalay ngəndəye, mɛ-tɛɬ-ɛ nom-curse-cl aŋga poss war child dalaj girl ŋgɪndijɛ dem 'The curse [is] belonging to that young woman,'

<sup>9</sup> It is also seen in some information questions Section 10.3.1.

<sup>10</sup>Note that the other two occurrences of *na* in this example function in focus (Section 11.5) and definiteness (Section 11.4), respectively.

11.4 Definite construction: *na*-marked clausal element

amazata aka ala avəya nengehe ana məze ahay **na**. ama-z=ata dep-take=3p.io =aka =ala =on=to avija suffering nɛŋgɛhɛ dem ana dat mɪʒɛ =ahaj person=Pl **na** psp 'the one that brought this suffering onto the people.'

### **11.4 Definite construction:** *na***-marked clausal element**

The Definite construction occurs when a non-fronted noun phrase is marked by *na*. Figure 11.1 (from Section 11.2) shows the default order of constituents in a clause. In the definite construction, the *na*–marked element is in its normal clausal position. In this construction, *na* functions in the realm of definiteness. Definiteness is defined by Lambrecht (1994: 79) as signalling when "the referent of a phrase is assumed by the speaker to be identifiable to the addressee." While definiteness is a separate function than presupposition, Lambrecht points out that definiteness is related to presupposition in that the definite article is a grammatical symbol for an assumption on the speaker's part that the hearer is able to identify the definite element in a sentence – the speaker presupposes that the addressee can identify the referent designated by that noun phrase.

In (41) from the *Cows in the Field* story, the *na* marker is attached to the noun *gəvah* 'field' within an adpositional phrase. This construction is simply identifying the field to be the one that the cows destroyed, definite and previously mentioned in the story, and not some other unidentified field. In the examples in this section, the *na*–marked noun phrase is underlined and the adpositional phrase is delimited by square brackets.

(41) Təzlərav ta ala va [a gəvah **na** ava]. tə̀-ɮərav 3p+pfv-move out ta=ala=va 3p.do=to=prf [a at gəvax field **na** psp ava] in 'They had driven them out of the field.'

Example (42) is from the Disobedient Girl story. Her house is marked as definite with *na*.

(42) Disobedient Girl, S. 26 Nata ndahan dəɓəsolək məmətava alay nata and then ndahaŋ 3s dʊɓʊsɔlʊk id:collapse/die mə-mət=ava=alaj nom-die=in=away 'And she collapsed *dəɓəsolək*, dying'

11 The na marker and na constructions

> a hoɗ [a hay **na** ava]. a at hʷɔɗ stomach [a gen haj house **na** psp ava] in 'inside the house.'

Likewise in (43), the noun *məsəyon* 'church' is marked as definite within the adpositional phrase *a məsəyon na ava* 'in the church.'

(43) Values, S. 3 Səwat na, təta [a məsəyon **na** ava] nəndəye na, suwat id:disperse na psp təta 3p [a at mʊsijɔŋ mission **na** psp ava] in nɪndijɛ dem na psp 'As the people go home from church,' (lit. disperse, they in the mission there) pester áhata, "Ey, ele nehe na, kógom bay!" pɛʃtɛr pastor á-h=ata 3s+ifv-tell=3p.io ɛj hey ɛlɛ thing nɛhɛ dem na psp kɔ́-gʷ-ɔm 2+ifv-do-2p baj neg 'the Pastor told them, "Hey! These things here, don't do them!"'

(44) is from line S. 21 of the Snake story. The *na*–marked element *gogolvan na* 'the snake' follows the verb complex in its normal position of a direct object noun phrase within the verb phrase.

(44) Snake, S. 21 Alala, nəzlərav na ala gogolvan **na** a amata ava. a-l=ala 3s-go=to nə̀-ɮərav 1s+pfv-exit na=ala 3s.do=to gʷɔgʷɔlvaŋ snake **na** psp a at amata outside ava in 'Sometime later I took the snake outside.'

## **11.5 Presupposition-focus construction:** *na* **precedes the final element of the verb phrase**

The presupposition-focus construction in Moloko makes prominent the final element of a clause.<sup>11</sup> *Na* precedes the final element in the verb phrase. This is the only *na* construction where the *na*-marker follows the verb complex but is not

<sup>11</sup>Longacre & Hwang (2012: 221) define prominence as "spotlighting, highlighting, or drawing attention to something."

11.5 Presupposition-focus construction

clause final. In effect, all of that information that precedes the final element in the clause is marked as presupposed with *na*. The result is that the final element in the clause is highlighted in the discourse.

Example (45) is from line S. 20 of the Disobedient Girl text. The placement of *na* postverbally, just before the final element in the verb phrase (*gam* 'a lot') functions to highlight that the woman prepared *a lot* of millet. The fact that she prepared a lot of millet instead of just one grain (as she was instructed) is critical to the outcome of the story. An added effect of the *na* plus pause before the final element is to slow down the narrative just a bit, resulting in heightened attention on the final element *gam* 'a lot.' In the examples in this section, the prominent final element is bolded and the *na*-marked elements are underlined.

(45) Disobedient Girl, S. 20 Jo madala háy **na**, **gam**. dzɔ id:take ma-d=ala nom-prepare=to haj millet **na** psp **gam** a lot 'She prepared lots of millet.'

Multiple elements in a clause or sentence that are marked with *na* will add even more prominence to the final element. This kind of construction is seen at summation points in a narrative. It is also seen in a hortatory text when the speaker is reiterating his or her argument to make an important point. The many marked elements slow down the discourse and build up tension towards the final element in the clause, thus putting even more emphasis on the focused item. In (46), the fact that the woman's habit where she came from was to grind a *large amount* of millet at a time is crucial to the story. Three *na*-marked elements (a subject noun phrase, the verb phrase, and the complement without its final element) precede the adverb *gam* 'a lot.'

(46) Disobedient Girl, S. 17


ndɛ so hʷɔr woman **na** psp à-sərk=ala 3s+pfv-habitually=to afa at place of təta =va 3p=prf **na** psp 'Now that woman, she was in the habit at their house,'

aməhaya háy **na**, **gam.** amə-h=aja dep-grind=plu haj millet **na** psp **gam** alot '[of] grinding *a lot* of millet.'

### 11 The na marker and na constructions

In (47) from the Values exhortation, there are a series of six *na*-marked elements that reiterate some of the main points of argument that the speaker used. The final element *anga way* 'whose [word]' is made prominent and the effect is to cause the hearer to think about whose word the people accept (based on their behaviour).

(47) Values, S. 29


kagas ma Hərmbəlom **na** asabay **na**,

ka-gas 2s-catch ma word Hʊrmbʊlɔm God **na** psp asa-baj again-neg **na** psp '[if] you catch God's word no longer,'

káagas **na**, **anga way**? káá-gas 2s+pot-catch **na** psp **aŋga** poss **waj** who 'You won't accept anyone's word!' (lit. you will catch it [word] of whom?')

In both (48) and (49), the final prominent element is *jəyga* 'all.' The effect is to emphasise the totality of the events. In (48), the fact that *all* of the field was destroyed by the cows is important to the story. In (49), the story teller is emphasising that it was important that *everyone* fought against the Mbuko. In fact, people who did not fight were beaten after the skirmish with the Mbuko ended.


### 11.5 Presupposition-focus construction

In (50), two *na*-marked elements leave a negative particle highlighted at the end of the clause. The fact that the storytellers did not eat the people's food was important since they would have been expected to eat.

(50) Nde kəy elé **na**, nəzəmom ele ata **na**, **bay**.

ndɛ so kij id:looking ɛlɛ eye **na** psp nə̀-zʊm-ɔm 1s+pfv-eat-1Pex ɛlɛ =atəta thing=3p.poss **na** psp **baj** neg

'So, one could see that we had *not* eaten their food.' (lit. looking, we ate their thing, not)

In the Disobedient Girl peak, four *na*-marked elements precede the expression of the most pivotal event in the narrative – the death of the girl (expressed in a clause that is bolded in 51).

(51) Disobedient Girl, S. 26

Alala **na**, ver **na**, árah mbəf nə həmbo **na**,

a-l=ala 3s-go=to **na** psp vɛr room **na** psp á-rax 3s+ifv-fill mbəf id:up to the roof nə with hʊmbɔ flour **na** psp 'Later, the room, it filled up to the roof with the flour,'

ɗək məɗəkaka alay ana hor **na**,

ɗək plug mə-ɗək=aka=alaj nom-plug=on=away ana dat hʷɔr woman **na** psp '[the flour] suffocated the woman,'

**nata ndahan dəɓəsolək məmətava alay a hoɗ a hay na ava**. **nata** then **ndahaŋ** 3s **dʊɓʊsɔlʊkʷ** id:collapse/die **mə-mət=ava=alaj** nom-die=in=away **a** at **hʷɔɗ** stomach **a** gen **haj** house

**na ava**

psp in

'and then she collapsed *dəɓəsolək*, dying inside the house.'

The 3s do pronominal *na* (see Section 7.3.3) is identical to the presupposition marker *na* and some ambiguity can be encountered in contexts where *na* immediately follows a verb that has no locational or directional extensions (which follow the DO pronominal but would precede a PSP marker). Two examples showing the ambiguity are (52–53). In (52), the underlined *na* could be interpreted as the presupposition marker since there are multiple *na*-marked elements in the clause and this final underlined *na* appears immediately before the final (presumably)

### 11 The na marker and na constructions

focussed element *mənjəye ata* 'their habits.' On the other hand, *na* could be the 3s do pronominal for the verb *mədakan* 'instructing to him,' since the verb is in a construction which marks significant events (see stem plus ideophone auxiliary Section 8.2.3), so it is the event of the husband instructing his wife that is highlighted by the preceding *na*-marked elements.

(52) Disobedient Girl, S. 12

Sen ala **na**, zar ahan **na**, dək mədakan **na** mənjəye ata. ʃɛŋ=ala id:go=to **na** psp zar=ahaŋ man=3s.poss **na** psp dək show mə-dak=aŋ nom-show=3s.io **na** psp

```
mɪ-nʒ-ijɛ=atəta
nom-sit-cl=3p.poss
```
'Then her husband instructed her their habits.' (lit. going, her husband, instructing to her, their sitting)

In (53) the situation is more clear. We consider the two underlined *na* markers to be the 3s DO pronominal since even though there are multiple *na*-marked elements in the clause, these underlined markers are neither at the end of the noun phrase (as they would be if they were the definite marker), nor are they immediately before the final focussed element (as they would be if this was a presupposition-focus construction). The verb and noun phrases in question are each delimited by square brackets in the example. We found no unambiguous instance of the presupposition marker *na* breaking up a verb phrase except for the purpose of isolating the final focussed element in a verb phrase (cf. integrity of the vp, Section 8.1). Thus the first underlined *na* is 3s do for the verb *tozom* 'they eat.' It is doubling the direct object noun phrase gəvax 'field.' Likewise, we found no unambiguous instance of the presupposition marker breaking up a noun phrase in any context and so consider the second underlined *na* as 3s do pronominal for the nominalised verb *məgəye* 'doing' within the noun phrase *məgəye na ahan* 'his doings.'

(53) Nde asa bahay a sla **na**, ndahan aka bay **na**, asa sla ahay **na**, ndɛ so asa if bahaj chief a gen ɬa cow **na** psp ndahaŋ 3s aka on baj neg **na** psp asa if ɬa=ahaj cow=Pl **na** psp 'So, if the owner of the cows wasn't there, [and] that the cows'

[tozom na gəvah] **na**, ɗeɗen **na**, ndahan **na**,

[tɔ̀-zɔm 3p+pfv-eat na 3s.do gəvax] field **na** psp ɗɛɗɛŋ truth **na** psp ndahaŋ 3s **na** psp 'really destroyed the fields is true (lit. if the cows ate the field true), [then] he,'

```
ámənjar nə elé ahan bay na, [məgəye na ahan] na memey?
á-mənzar
3s+ifv-see
           nə
           with
                ɛlɛ=ahaŋ
                thing=3s.poss
                               baj
                               neg
                                   na
                                   psp
                                       [mɪ-g-ijɛ
                                       nom-do-cl
                                                   na=ahaŋ]
                                                   3s.do=3s.poss
                                                                 na
                                                                 psp
```
mɛmɛj how

'[since] he hasn't seen it for himself, what is he supposed to do?' (lit. his doing, how)

## **12 Clause combining**

In Moloko, clauses may combine in six ways:


### **12.1 Complement clauses**

A complement clause is a clause that is an argument in the matrix clause. Complement clauses in Moloko can contain one of three verb forms: dependent, nominalised or finite. When the complement clause has the same subject as the main clause, the complement clause has a dependent or nominalised verb form (Section 12.1.1, see also Section 7.6 and Section 7.7). When the subject of the complement clause is different than that in the main clause, the verb in the complement clause is finite and the clause has a noun phrase subject (Section 12.1.2).

### 12 Clause combining

### **12.1.1 Dependent and nominalised verb complement clauses**

The complement clause is embedded in the verb phrase as a subject, direct object, or indirect object within the matrix clause. Nominalised and dependent verb forms collocate with constructions that carry different modal or aspectual values. The nominalised form collocates with constructions that represent a finished, accomplished event,<sup>1</sup> e.g., the nominalised form is found as a complement of *ndav* 'finish,' (1, see Section 7.6). In contrast, the dependent form is found in constructions that refer to an event that is incomplete or unachieved at the time of the matrix situation, e.g., the dependent form is found as a complement of the verb of inception *zlan* 'begin' as in (7) (see also Section 7.7). In the examples, the subject of the complement clause is indicated by Ø when it is the same as the subject of the matrix clause. The clauses are delimited by square brackets and the verb is bolded.

In (1) the nominalised form is the direct object of the matrix verb *ndav* 'finish.'

(1) [Nəndavalay [**məwəce**]]. [nə-ndav=alaj 1s-finish=away [Ø **mu-wutʃ-ɛ**]] nom-write-cl 'I finish writing.'

A clause with the nominalised form can function as an argument of another verb. It is the subject in (2) and the direct object in (3–6). In each case, the nominalised form indicates that the event expressed by the verb is completed.

(2) [[**M**ə**mbəɗe** ahan na], asaw]. [[**mɪ-mbɪɗ-ɛ**=ahaŋ nom-remain-cl=3s.poss na] psp a-s=aw] 3s-please=1s.io 'I want the leftovers.' (lit. its remains pleases me)

(3) [Bahay amakay [**məzəme** sese]]. [bahaj chief à-mak-aj 3s+pfv-leave-cl [Ø **mɪ-ʒʊm-ɛ** nom-eat-cl ʃɛʃɛ]] meat

'The chief stopped eating meat.' (lit. the chief left the eating of meat)

<sup>1</sup>The situation refers to something that occurred in the past with ongoing effects to the point of reference.

12.1 Complement clauses

(4) [Nasar [**mədəye** ɗaf ] bay]. [na-sar 1s-know [Ø **mɪ-d-ijɛ** nom-prepare-cl ɗaf] millet loaf baj] neg 'I don't know how to make millet loaves.' (lit. I don't know the preparing of millet loaf).

(5) Disobedient Girl, S. 4

[Ávata [**məvəye** haɗa]]. [á-v=ata [**mɪ-v-ijɛ**

3s+ifv-spend time=3p.io nom-spend time-cl many

'It would last them enough for the whole year.' (lit. it will spend time for them enough time-spendings; the nominalised form of the verb 'spend time' has been lexicalized as 'year')

haɗa]]

(6) [Ege [**məvəye** məko] ehe], [nawas háy əwla]. [ɛ-g-ɛ 3s-do-cl [**mɪ-v-ijɛ** nom-spend time-cl mʊkʷɔ] six ɛhɛ] here [na-was 1s-cultivate haj=uwla] millet=1s.poss 'Six years ago (lit. it did six years here), I cultivated my millet.'

In contrast, the dependent form is found in clauses where the event is incomplete or unachieved idea at the time of the matrix situation, e.g., the verb of inception *zlan* 'begin' (7 and 8) (see also Section 7.7) and *sark* habitually (9–10). The writing hasn't started in (7); the referent isn't necessarily eating at the moment of (9); the fight was just beginning at the time of (8). In each case, the dependent form is the direct object of the matrix clause.


### 12 Clause combining

(10) Disobedient Girl, S. 17 [Hor na, asərkala afa təta va **na**, [hʷɔr woman na psp a-sərk=ala 3s-habitually=to afa at house təta=va 3p=prf **na** psp 'The woman, she was in the habit at their house,' [**aməhaya** háy na gam]]. [Ø **amə-h=aja** dep-grind=plu haj millet na psp gam]] lots '[of] grinding a lot of millet.'

Dependent clauses are also found in complement clauses for verbs of desire. For example, the complement clause for the verb *s* 'please' in (11–13) expresses the unrealised object of the desire. Note that the subject of the complement clause (Ø) has the same referent as the indirect object of the matrix clause (*=aw* 'to me') in (11).<sup>2</sup>

(11) [Asaw [**aməpeɗe** sese]].

[a-s=aw 3s-please=1s.io [Ø **amɪ-pɛɗ-**ɛ dep-crunch-cl ʃɛʃɛ]] meat 'I want to eat meat.' (lit. to eat meat pleases me)

(12) [Asan [**amadata aka va** azan]].

[a-s=aŋ 3s-please=3s.io [Ø **ama-d=ata** dep-prepare=3p.io **=aka=va** =on=prf azaŋ]] temptation 'He wanted to tempt them.' (lit. to prepare a temptation for them pleases him)

(13) Race story<sup>3</sup> [A**s**aw [**aməgəye** ambele mbele nə moktonok]]. [a-**s**=aw 3s-please=1s.io [Ø **amɪ-g-ijɛ** dep-do-cl ambɛlɛ mbɛlɛ race nə with mɔkʷtɔnɔkʷ]] toad 'I want to race with the toad.' (lit. to do a race with the toad pleases me)

### **12.1.2 Finite complement clauses**

Finite complement clauses are used with verbs that express propositional attitude, with verbs of speech, and with verbs of desire. The complement clause is

<sup>2</sup>Compare with (22) in Section 12.1.2 where the subject of the complement clause is different and must be specified in the clause.

<sup>3</sup> Friesen 2003.

### 12.1 Complement clauses

the direct object of verbs expressing propositional attitude: 'know' (14), 'think' (15), 'believe' (16), 'doubt' (17), 'forget' (18), and 'worry' (19). Many of the examples in this section are elicited and therefore the first clause is followed by the presupposition marker *na* (Section 11.1). This marker indicates that the first clause contains presupposed (mutually known) information (in this case, the presupposition was established by the elicitation question).


Indirect speech is often expressed using a complement clause with a finite verb (20–21).

### 12 Clause combining


[Hərmbəlom **ege** ɓərav va kə war anga məze dedelen ga aka]]. [Hʊrmbʊlɔm God **ɛ̀-g-ɛ** 3s+pfv-do-cl ɓərav=va heart=prf kə on war child aŋga poss mɪʒɛ person dɛdɛlɛŋ black ga adj

aka]]

on

'God got mad at the black people.' (lit. Creator did heart on the child that belongs to black person)

Complement clauses with irrealis verbs are embedded under matrix verbs of will and desire ('wish,' 'want,' 'hope'). (22) shows a complement of the verb *asaw* 'it pleases me.' The complement shows the object of the desire expressed in the matrix clause. The complement has a different subject than the loc of the desire in the matrix clause. The verb is finite and its subject is made explicit.<sup>4</sup>

(22) Asaw na, [bahay **mapaɗay** sese].

a-s=aw 3s-please=1s.io na psp [bahaj chief **mà-paɗ-aj** 3s+hor-crunch-cl ʃɛʃɛ] meat

'I want the chief to eat meat.' (lit. that the chief should eat meat pleases me).

In (22) above, the complement clause is the subject of the main verb; in (23), it is the indirect object.<sup>5</sup>

<sup>4</sup>Compare with (11) from Section 12.1.1 which shows a complement with the same subject as the location of the desire in the matrix clause.

<sup>5</sup> In Moloko, the indirect object uniformly expresses the semantic loc (e.g., recipient or beneficiary, see Chapter 9). In this case, the metaphorical location of the imploring is its purpose – where the speaker wants to go with his actions towards the chief. The semantic Theme (the chief) is being persuaded to the loc (eating meat).

12.2 Dependent adverbial clauses

(23) Nədəbakay bahay na ana [**mazom** sese]. nə-dəbak-aj 1s-implore-cl bahaj chief na psp ana dat [**mà-zɔm** 3s+hor-eat ʃɛʃɛ] meat

> 'I persuaded the chief to eat meat.' (lit. I implored the chief to he should eat meat)

### **12.2 Dependent adverbial clauses**

Adverbial clauses give oblique information concerning the verb in the matrix clause. The adverbial clause containing a dependent verb is embedded in the main clause as the first or last element. Adverbial clauses before the matrix clause (24–26) function to express an event in progress at the time of the matrix event or situation. The entire adverbial clause is delimited by square brackets and the dependent verb is bolded in the examples. The subject of the dependent adverbial clause must be known in the context; in (24), the subject is Ø and in (25–26) the subject pronoun *ndahan* precedes the dependent clause.

(24) Disobedient Girl, S. 5

[[**Aməhaya** kə ver aka na], tázaɗ war elé háy bəlen].

[[Ø **amə-h=aja** dep-grind=plu kə on vɛr stone aka on na] psp tá-zaɗ 3p+ifv-take war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ] one

'For grinding on the grinding stone, they would take one grain of millet.'

(25) [[Ndahan **aməcen** məbele a mbəko ahay dəreffefe na], awəy, "Almay⁈"] [[ndahaŋ 3s **amɪ-tʃɛŋ** dep-hear mɪ-bɛl-ɛ nom-move-cl a gen mbʊkʷɔ=ahaj Mbuko=Pl dɪrɛffɛfɛ id:movement na] psp 'He, hearing the movement of the Mbuko' (lit. he to hear moving of Mbukos *dəreffefe*),

awij said almaj] what 'he said, "What⁈"'

(26) Disobedient Girl, S. 16

[[Ndahan **amandava** ɓəl na], zar ahan olo ametele

[[ndahaŋ **ama-nd=ava** ɓəl na] zar=ahaŋ ɔ̀-lɔ amɛ-tɛl-ɛ

3s dep-sleep=in id:some psp man=3s.poss 3s+pfv-go dep-walk-cl

'After she had been there for some time (lit. she, sleeping there for some time), her husband went away'

### 12 Clause combining

kə dəlmete ahan aka a slam enen]. kə on dɪlmɛtɛ=ahaŋ neighbor=3s.poss aka on a at ɬam place ɛnɛŋ] another 'to walk in the neighborhood to some place.'

Adverbial clauses that occur after the main clause (27–30) occur with verbs of movement (*lo* 'go,' *njé* 'leave').<sup>6</sup> The dependent clause expresses the (as yet unachieved) purpose of the going; in (27) the reader does not know if the subject actually bought fish or not, although it is expected.


Likewise, in (29), the reader does not know if the young men actually succeed at bringing back the tree (and indeed the story reveals that they do not succeed, Section 1.6).

(29) Cicada, S. 16 [Kəlen albaya ahay tolo [**amazala** agwazla na]]. [kɪlɛŋ then albaja=ahaj young men=Pl tɔ-lɔ 3p-go [Ø **ama-z=ala** dep-take=to agʷaɮa spp. of tree na]] psp 'Then the young men went to bring back the tree [to the chief].'

A lengthened prefix vowel in the dependent form in an adverbial clause can also express mood (the desire of the speaker, see Section 7.4.3). The lengthened prefix vowel, bolded in (30), expresses potential actions which are not yet complete or even expected, but they are desired by the speaker.

<sup>6</sup>We have not found clause-final adverbial clauses with other verbs.

12.3 Clauses linked by conjunctions and conjunctive adverbs

(30) [Bahay ata ahay ɗəw tólo dəren [am**aa**kəwala ele məzəme]]. [bahaj=atəta=ahaj chief=3p.poss=Pl ɗuw also tɔ́-lɔ 3p+ifv-go dɪrɛŋ far [Ø am**aa**-kuw=ala dep+pot-seek=to ɛlɛ thing

mɪ-ʒʊm-ɛ]] nom-eat-cl

'Their chiefs also, they will have to travel far in order to find something to eat [in a famine].'

## **12.3 Clauses linked by conjunctions and conjunctive adverbs**

The verbs in clauses connected by a conjunction or conjunctive adverb are always finite. The conjunction or adverb specifies the relationship between the two linked clauses. Conjuctions can be either subordinating or coordinating. Clauses subordinated by a conjunction can be divided into two types, depending on whether the subordinate clause follows or precedes the main clause (discussed in Sections 12.3.1 and 12.3.2, respectively). Coordinating conjunctions link clauses that are not syntactically dependent on one another (Section 12.3.3). Conjunctive adverbs also function to link clauses (Section 12.3.4). Table 12.1 shows the characteristics of all of the conjunctions and conjunctive adverbs in Moloko.

### **12.3.1 Adverbial clauses introduced by a subordinating conjunction**

When an adverbial clause introduced by a subordinating conjunction follows the main clause, the adverbial clause supplies new information to the discourse. The different subordinate conjunctions specify the relationship between the new information and the matrix clause. Subordinating conjunctions include *bəyna* 'because,' *waya* 'because,' and *kəwaya* 'because,' (all involved in reason-result constructions) and *ha* 'until.' Sentences in Moloko do not normally have multiple subordinate clauses. In the examples, each of the subordinate clauses is delimited by square brackets.

*Bəyna*<sup>7</sup> 'because' (31–34) is used in result-reason clause constructions that link only two clauses. The clause subordinated by *bəyna* demonstrates the proof for the statement in the matrix clause.

<sup>7</sup> *Bəyna* 'because' may be a compound of the negative *bay* and the presupposition marker *na*.


Table 12.1: Subordinating and coordinating conjunctions

12.3 Clauses linked by conjunctions and conjunctive adverbs

(31) Snake, S. 19

Nəngehe na, Hərmbəlom aloko ehɛ, [**bəyna** anjakay nok nɪŋgɛhɛ dem na psp Hʊrmbʊlɔm=alɔkʷɔ God=1Pin.poss ɛhɛ here [**bijna** because à-nzak-aj 3s+pfv-find-cl nɔkʷ 2s 'This one here, our God [is really] here [with us], because it found you'

ha a slam məndəye ango ava]. ha until a at ɬam place mɪ-nd-ijɛ=aŋgʷɔ nom-sleep-cl=2s.poss ava] in 'even in your bed (lit. all the way to the place of your lying).'


'I took my brother to the hospital'

[**bəyna** dəngo awəlan]. [**bijna** because dʊŋgʷɔ throat a-wəl=aŋ] 3s-hurt=3s.io 'because his throat was hurting.'

(34) Cicada, S. 14

Ɗeɗen bahay, agwazla ngəndəye ágasaka ka mahay ango aka, ɗɛɗɛŋ truth bahaj chief agʷaɮa spp. of tree ŋgɪndijɛ dem á-gas=aka 3s+ifv-get=on ka on mahaj=aŋgʷɔ door=2s.poss aka on 'True, chief, it would be pleasing if that particular tree would be by your door,'

[**bəyna** agwazla ga səlom ga; aɓəsay ava bay]. [**bijna** because agʷaɮa spp. of tree ga adj sʊlɔm good ga adj aɓəsaj blemish ava ext baj] neg 'because this tree is good; it has no faults.'

A clause subordinated by *waya* 'because' (35–36) indicates the reason for something that is described in the previous clauses. The preceding clauses function to give a context for the statement in the *waya* clause. In (35) (from S. 7–8 of the

### 12 Clause combining

Disobedient Girl story Section 1.5) the *waya* clause provides an explanation for the events in the preceding paragraph. S. 7 gives the result (one grain of millet would give enough food for a family) and S. 8 gives the reason behind it (because the millet multiplied while the flour was being ground).

(35) Disobedient Girl, S. 7 War elé háy bəlen fan na, war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one faŋ yet na psp

'Just one grain of millet,'

ánjata pew ha ámbaɗ ese. á-nz=ata 3s+ifv-suffice=3p.io pɛw enough ha until á-mbaɗ 3s+ifv-remain ɛʃɛ again 'it sufficed for them, even to leaving leftovers.'

Disobedient Girl, S. 8 [**Waya** a məhaya ahan ava na, [**waja** because a at mə-h=aja=ahaŋ nom-grind=plu=3s.poss ava in na psp

'Because, during its grinding,'

ásak kə ver aka nə məsəke]. á-sak 3s+ifv-multiply kə on vɛr grinding stone aka on nə with mɪ-ʃɪk-ɛ] nom-multiply-cl 'it would really multiply on the grinding stone.' (lit. multiply with multiplying)

Another result-reason construction with *waya* is shown in (36) (from part of a story not illustrated in this work). The clause subordinated by *waya* explains the reason why the speaker didn't know how to proceed. It was important in the story that the speaker had already visited the subprefect.

(36) Nasar həraf ele nəngehe asabay nà-sar 1s+pfv-know həraf medicine ɛlɛ thing nɪŋgɛhɛ dem asa-baj again-neg 'I didn't know how to resolve the problem (lit. I never knew the medicine for this particular thing),'

12.3 Clauses linked by conjunctions and conjunctive adverbs

[**waya** nəlva afa səwpərefe]. [**waja** because nə̀-l=va 1s+pfv-go=prf afa at house of suwpɪrɛfɛ] subprefect

'because I had already been to the subprefect [and he didn't help me].'

The demonstrative *ndana* in the phrase *waya ndana* refers the hearer to the previously-mentioned clauses to discover the reason behind the statement introduced by *waya ndana*. In the reason-result construction shown in (37) (from the Disobedient Girl story), S. 34 states that God had gotten angry because of the girl that disobeyed. The *waya ndana* clause in S. 35 identifies that the information in S.34 is the reason for the statement in S. 35; it was because of God's anger that God took back his blessing from the Moloko.

(37) Disobedient Girl, S. 33 Hərmbəlom ága ɓərav va kəwaya war dalay na, Hʊrmbʊlɔm God á-ga 3s+ifv-do ɓərav=va heart=prf kuwaja because of war child dalaj girl na psp 'God got angry because of that girl,' amecen sləmay baj ngəndəye. amɛ-tʃɛŋ dep-hear ɬəmaj ear baj neg ŋgɪndijɛ dem 'that one who was disobedient.' Disobedient Girl, S. 35 [**Waya** ndana Hərmbəlom ázata aka barka ahan va]. [**waja** because ndana dem Hʊrmbʊlɔm God á-z=ata=aka 3s+ifv-take=3p.io=on barka=ahaŋ=va] blessing=3s.poss=prf 'Because of that previously-mentioned [event], God had taken back his blessing from them.'

The conjunction *kəwaya* 'because' / 'that is' (38–39, reproduced here from 37) introduces clauses (or noun phrases) that explaination the situation expressed in previous clauses. *Kəwaya* introduces the conditional construction in (38) (from the Disobedient Girl story S. 3-4) that gave the reasoning behind the blessing that the Molokos experienced in the past.

### 12 Clause combining

(38) Disobedient Girl, S. 3

Zlezle na, Məloko ahay na, Hərmbəlom ávəlata barka va. ɮɛɮɛ long ago na psp Mʊlɔkʷɔ=ahaj Moloko=Pl na psp Hʊrmbʊlɔm God á-vəl=ata 3s+ifv-send=3s.io

barka=va

blessing=prf

'Long ago, to the Moloko people, God had given his blessing.'

Disobedient Girl, S. 4

[**Kəwaya** asa təwasva nekwen kəygehe ɗəw], [**kuwaja** that is asa if tə̀-was=va 3p+pfv-cultivate=prf nɛkʷɛŋ little kijgɛhɛ like this ɗuw] also

'That is, even if they had only cultivated a little [millet] like this,'

ávata məvəye haɗa. á-v=ata 3s+ifv-spend time=3p.io mɪ-v-ijɛ nom-spend time-cl haɗa a lot 'it would last them enough for the whole year.'

In the conclusion of the same story (39), *kəwaya* introduces a noun phrase with a relative clause that gives the reason for God's anger.

(39) Disobedient Girl, S. 33 Hərmbəlom ága ɓərav va Hʊrmbʊlɔm God á-ga 3s+ifv-do ɓərav=va heart=prf 'God got angry (lit. did heart)' [**kəwaya** war dalay amecen sləmay bay ngəndəye]. [**kuwaja** because war child dalaj female amɛ-tʃɛŋ dep-hear ɬəmaj ear baj neg ŋgɪndijɛ] that

'because of that girl, that one who was disobedient.'

The clause introduced by *ha* 'until' expresses a literal or metaphorical boundary that marks the cessation of the activity or situation expressed by the matrix clause (40, <sup>8</sup> 41).

<sup>8</sup> From the Race story, Friesen 2003.

12.3 Clauses linked by conjunctions and conjunctive adverbs

(40) Kərcece ahəmay ahəmay ahəmay kɪrtʃɛtʃɛ giraffe a-həm-aj 3s-run-cl a-həm-aj 3s-run-cl a-həm-aj 3s-run-cl 'The giraffe ran and ran and ran' [**ha** ayaɗay ndele pəs pəssa]. [**ha** until a-jaɗ-aj 3s-tire-cl ndɛlɛ pəs pəs=sa] id:completely tired=adv 'until he was completely tired out.'

In (41), the second clause begins with *ha* 'until' and gives adverbial information to the matrix clause concerning how long that one grain of millet will satisfy their hunger.

(41) Disobedient Girl, S. 7 War elé háy bəlen fan na, ánjata pew war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one faŋ already na psp á-nz=ata 3s+ifv-suffice=3p.io pɛw enough 'One grain of millet, it sufficed for them' [**ha** ambaɗ ese]. [**ha** until a-mbaɗ 3s-remain ɛʃɛ] again 'even to leaving leftovers.' (lit. until it remained again)

### **12.3.2 Conditional construction**

The subordinating conjuction *asa* 'if' intoduces a condition on the realisation of the event expressed by the main clause. The construction is *asa* plus the conditional clause. The end of the subordinate clause is delimited by the presupposition marker *na* or the particle *ɗəw* 'also.' Which marker is employed depends upon speaker assessment. If the presupposition marker *na* delimits the condition (42–44), the clause is neutral with respect to whether the speaker expects the condition to be fulfilled or not. In the examples of this section, both the subordinating conjunction and presupposition or 'unexpected' information marker are bolded, and the subordinate clause is delimited by square brackets.

	- [**asa** if kɛ́-g-ɛ 2s+ifv-do-cl akar theft na] psp náá-ɓ=ɔkʷ 1s+pot-beat=2s.io 'If you steal, I will beat you.'

### 12 Clause combining


[**asa** if tà-ɓ=aŋ 3p+pfv-hit=3s.io =va =prf ana dat mɪʒɛ person na] psp 'If someone has gotten beaten,'

```
ləkwəye na, gom ala sərtəfka medekal aləkwəye.
lʊkʷøjɛ
2p
        na
        psp
            g-ɔm
            do[imp]-2p
                        =ala
                        =to
                             sərtfka
                             certificate
                                        mɛdɛkal=alʊkʷøjɛ
                                        medical=2p.poss
'make a medical certificate for him.' (lit. do for him your medical
certificate)
```
When the subordinated clause is delimited by *ɗəw* 'also' (45–46), the meaning of *asa* shifts to more of a concessive idea.

(45) Disobedient Girl, S. 4

[**Asa** təwas va nekwen kəygehe **ɗəw**], [**asa** if tə̀-was=va 3p+pfv-cultivate=prf nɛkʷɛŋ little kijgɛhɛ like this **ɗuw**] also 'Even if they had only cultivated a little [millet] like this,' ávata məvəye haɗa. á-v=ata 3s+ifv-spend time=3p.io mɪ-v-ijɛ nom-spend time-cl haɗa many 'it would last them enough for the whole year.'

(46) [**Asa** məze ahay təcahay ele **ɗəw**], Hərmbəlom ecen asabay. [**asa** if mɪʒɛ=ahaj person=Pl tə-tsah-aj 3p-ask-cl ɛlɛ thing **ɗuw**] also Hʊrmbʊlɔm God ɛ-tʃɛŋ 3s-hear asa-baj again-neg 'Even if people ask for anything, God doesn't hear anymore.'

Normally the subordinated clause is followed by the main clause (42–47), however the clause expressing the condition can be right-shifted in some contexts (48). The *asa* clause is always delimited by *na*.

12.3 Clauses linked by conjunctions and conjunctive adverbs

(47) Disobedient Girl, S. 13 [**Asa** asok aməhaya **na**], [**asa** if à-s=ɔkʷ 3s+ifv-please=2s.io amə-h=aja dep-grind=plu na] psp 'If you want to grind,' (lit. if grinding pleases to you)

> kázaɗ war elé háy bəlen. ká-zaɗ 2s+ifv-take war child ɛlɛ eye haj millet bɪlɛŋ one 'you take only one grain.'

(48) Gəbar anday agaw [**asa** bahay apaɗay sese **na**]. gəbar fear a-ndaj 3s-prog a-g=aw 3s-do=1s.io [**asa** if bahaj chief à-paɗ-aj 3s+pfv-crunch-cl ʃɛʃɛ meat na] psp 'I am afraid that the chief ate meat.' (lit. fear is doing me if the chief ate meat)

Other particles co-occurring with the conjunction *asa* 'if' can modify its force. Clauses subordinated by the dative marker plus 'if' *ana asa* have a strong expectation that the condition will be fulfilled (49), while clauses subordinated by *azana asa* 'maybe if' carry the expectation that the condition might be fulfilled, rendering the subordinating clause to have almost a temporal meaning (50).


'the baton is not thrown too high.' (lit. they don't throw the baton too high)

### 12 Clause combining

### **12.3.3 Coordinate constructions**

Coordinate constructions consists of two independent clauses linked by a coordinate conjunction. The coordinating conjunction specifies the way that the clauses are connected. They include *nata* 'and then' and *azləna* 'but.' In (51–55), the conjunction is bolded and the coordinate clause is delimited by square brackets.

*Nata* 'and then' marks the clauses which contain the most pivotal events in a narrative. Two clauses from the Cicada narrative are marked with *nata* (51). These two clauses mark the peak event of the cicada's success at transporting the tree for the chief. One clause in the peak of the Disobedient Girl narrative is marked with *nata* (52). This marked peak event is the death of the girl, the result of her disobedience.

(51) Cicada, S. 25 [**Nata** olo], [**nata** and then ɔ̀-lɔ] 3s+pfv-go 'And then he went,' Cicada, S. 26 albaya ahay tolo sen na, albaja=ahaj youth=Pl tɔ-lɔ 3p-go ʃɛŋ id:go na psp 'The young men went,' albaya ahay weley təh anan dəray na, abay. albaja=ahaj youth=Pl wɛlɛj which təx id:put an=aŋ dat=3s.io dəraj head na psp abaj ext+neg 'None of the young men could lift it.' (lit. whichever young man put his head [to the tree in order to lift it], there was none) Cicada, S. 27 [**Nata** mətəde təh anan dəray ana agwazla ngəndəye]. [**nata** mɪtɪdɛ təx an=aŋ dəraj ana agʷaɮa ŋgɪndijɛ]

dat=3s.io

head

dat

spp. of tree

dem

id:put on head 'And then the cicada put his head to that tree.'

and then

cicada

12.3 Clauses linked by conjunctions and conjunctive adverbs

(52) Disobedient Girl, S. 26 Alala na, ver na árah mbəf nə həmbo na, a-l=ala 3s-go=to na psp vɛr room na psp á-rax 3s+ifv-fill mbəf id:up to the roof nə with hʊmbɔ flour na psp 'Later, the room, it filled to the roof with flour,'

ɗək məɗəkaka alay ana hor na, ɗək plug mə-ɗək=aka=alaj nom-plug=on=away ana dat hʷɔr woman na psp 'it suffocated the woman,'

[**nata** ndahan dəɓəsolək məmətava alay a hoɗ a hay na ava]. [**nata** then ndahaŋ 3s dʊɓʊsɔlʊkʷ id:collapse/die mə-mət=ava=alaj nom-die=in=away a at hʷɔɗ stomach a gen haj house

na psp ava] in

'and then she collapsed *dəɓəsolək*, dying inside the house.'

*Azləna*<sup>9</sup> 'but' indicates that the clause that follows will contain an element of counter-expectation to something in the previous clause (53–55).

(53) Disobedient Girl, S. 10 - 11

Olo azala dalay. [**Azləna** war dalay ndana cekəzlere ga]. à-lɔ 3s+pfv-go à-z=ala 3s+pfv-take=to dalaj girl [**aɮəna** but war girl dalaj female ndana dem tʃɛkɪɮɛrɛ disobedience ga] adj 'He went and took a wife, but the girl [was] disobedient.'

(54) Avəyon agan va gəɓar ana Abangay. Ahəman alay nekwen. avijɔŋ airplane a-g=aŋ 3s-do=3s.io =va =prf gəɓar fear ana dat Abaŋgaj Abangay a-həm=aŋ 3s-run=3s.io =alaj =to nɛkʷɛŋ little 'The airplane made Abangay afraid (lit. did fear to her), [so] she ran away a little.'

<sup>9</sup>*Azləna* 'but' may be a compound of *azla* 'now' and the presupposition marker *na*.

### 12 Clause combining

[**Azləna** na me, ləme nata babəza ahay na, [**aɮəna** but na psp mɛ opinion lɪmɛ 1Pex nata and babəza=ahaj children=Pl na psp 'But on the other hand, I and the children,'

ko məbele nekwen ɗəw, nobəlom bay]. kʷɔ even mɪ-bɛl-ɛ nom-move-cl nɛkʷɛŋ little ɗuw also nɔ-bʊl-ɔm 1s-move-1Pex baj] neg 'we didn't budge even a little (lit. even a little movement we didn't move).'

(55) Nahan ana hor əwla ne awəy majaw ala yam na-h=aŋ 1s-tell=3s.io ana dat hʷɔr=uwla wife=1s.poss nɛ 1s awij said mà-dz=aw 3s+hor-help=1s.io =ala =to jam water 'I told my wife to bring me water'

aməbele; [**azləna** acahay bay]. amɪ-bɛl-ɛ dep-wash-cl [**aɮəna** but a-tsah-aj 3s-obey-cl baj] neg 'to wash; but she didn't obey me.'

### **12.3.4 Adverbial clauses with conjunctive adverbs**

Conjunctive adverbs are adverbs that function to connect clauses within a larger discourse. They include *kəlen* 'next,' *nde* 'therefore,' and *macəkəmbay* 'meanwhile.' With the exception of *kəlen*, conjunctive adverbs are clause-initial. The examples give some of the surrounding context so that their function can be demonstrated. Many of the examples are from the Disobedient Girl story or the Cicada story. In order to study the larger context for the examples, the stories themselves can be found in Section 1.5 and Section 1.6, respectively. The clauses with conjunctive adverbs are delimited by square brackets.

*Kəlen* 'next' indicates a subsequent mainline event that often follows a digression (often reported speech). This conjunction can either be clause-initial (57) or follow the first argument in the clause (56).

(56) Cicada, S. 5–6 Tánday tə́talay a ləhe na, tá-ndaj 3p+ifv-prog tə́-tal-aj 3p+ifv-walk-cl a at lɪhɛ bush na psp '[As] they were walking in the bush,'

### 12.3 Clauses linked by conjunctions and conjunctive adverbs

təlo tənjakay agwazla malan ga a ləhe. tə̀-lɔ 3p+pfv-go tə̀-nzak-aj 3p+pfv-find-cl agʷaɮa spp. of tree malaŋ large ga adj a to lɪhɛ bush 'they went and found a large tree (a particular species) in the bush.'

[Albaya ahay ndana **kəlen** təngalala ma ana bahay]. [albaja=ahaj youth=Pl ndana dem **kɪlɛŋ** then tə̀-ŋgala=ala 3p+pfv-return=to ma word ana dat bahaj] chief 'Those young men then took the word (response) to the chief.'

Clauses S. 7 and 8 are shown in (57). *Kəlen* functions to signal to the hearer that the events in S. 8 are part of the event line (the reported speech in S. 7 was a digression from the event line).

(57) Cicada, S. 7

Tawəy, "Bahay, mama agwazla ava a ləhe na, malan ga na, tawij 3p+said bahaj chief mama mother agʷaɮa spp. of tree ava ext a at lɪhɛ bush na psp malaŋ large ga adj na psp 'They said, "Chief, there is a mother-tree in the bush, a big one,'

```
agasaka na ka mahay ango aka aməmbese."
à-gas=aka
3s+pfv-get=on
               na
               psp
                   ka
                   on
                       mahaj=aŋgʷɔ
                       door=2s.poss
                                     aka
                                     on
                                         amɪ-mbɛʃ-ɛ
                                         dep-rest-cl
'[and] it would please you to have that tree at your door, so that you
could rest under it."'
Cicada, S. 8
[Kəlen albaya ahay ndana tolo].
```
[**kɪlɛŋ** next albaja=ahaj youth=Pl ndana dem tɔ̀-lɔ] 3p+pfv-go 'Then those young men went.'

A conclusion in a discourse or a concluding remark may be introduced by the conjunctive adverb *nde* 'so.' Example (58) shows S. 32–34 from the conclusion of the Disobedient Girl narrative. *Nde* introduces the concluding comments concerning the way that the present-day situation for the Molokos has changed from the way it was before the actions of the disobedient girl. Example (59) is from the Leopard story (Friesen 2003) and *nde* marks the clause within the hen's speech where she makes her concluding decision of what she should do. *Nde* marks a concluding statement in an instruction in (60).

```
(58) Disobedient Girl, S. 32–34
      [Nde ko ala a ɗəma ndana ava pew]! Məloko ahay tawəy,
      [ndɛ
      so
           kʷɔ=ala
           until=to
                    a
                    at
                      ɗəma
                      time
                            ndana
                            dem
                                   ava
                                   in
                                       pɛw]
                                       enough
                                                Mʊlɔkʷɔ=ahaj
                                                Moloko=Pl
                                                              tawij
                                                              3p+said
      'So, ever since that time, it's done! The Molokos say,'
     "Hərmbəlom ága ɓərav va kəwaya war dalay na,
      Hʊrmbʊlɔm
      God
                   á-ga
                   3s+ifv-do
                             ɓərav=va
                             heart=prf
                                        kuwaja
                                        because of
                                                   war
                                                   child
                                                         dalaj
                                                         girl
                                                              na
                                                              psp
      '"God got angry because of that girl,'
      amecen sləmay bay ngəndəye.
      amɛ-tʃɛŋ
      dep-hear
               ɬəmaj
               ear
                      baj
                      neg
                          ŋgɪndijɛ
                          dem
      'that one that was disobedient.'
      Waya ndana Hərmbəlom ázata aka barka ahan va."
      waja
      because
              ndana
              dem
                     Hʊrmbʊlɔm
                     God
                                  á-z=ata
                                  3s+ifv-take=3p.io
                                                     =aka
                                                     =on
      barka=ahaŋ=va
      blessing=3s.poss=prf
      'Because of that, God had taken back his blessing from them."'
(59) Tanday taslaw aka babəza ahay va.
      ta-ndaj
      3p-prog
               ta-ɬ=aw
               3p-kill=1s.io
                            =aka
                            =on
                                 babəza=ahaj=va
                                 children=Pl=prf
      'They were killing more of my children.'
      [Nde taslaw aka babəza ahay va na,
      [ndɛ
      so
           ta-ɬ=aw
           3p-kill=1s.io
                        =aka
                        =on
                              babəza=ahaj=va
                              children=Pl=prf
                                               na
                                               psp
      'So [since] they killed more of my children,'
      nəhəmay mogo ele əwla].
      nə-həm-aj
      1s-run-cl
                 mɔgʷɔ
                 anger
                        ɛlɛ=uwla]
                        thing=1s.poss
      'I ran away because of my anger (lit. I ran my anger thing).'
```
12.3 Clauses linked by conjunctions and conjunctive adverbs

(60) Nahok na va, kége akar bay. nà-h=ɔkʷ 1s+pfv-tell=2s.io na=va 3s.do=prf kɛ́-g-ɛ 2s+ifv-do-cl akar theft baj neg 'I already told you, don't steal,'

> [Asa bay na], náaɓok. [asa again baj neg na] psp náá-ɓ=ɔkʷ 1s+pot-beat=2s.io 'if not, I will beat you.'

[**Nde** azləna kagəva akar] náaɓok azla. [**ndɛ** so aɮəna but kà-gə=va 2s+pfv-do=prf akar] theft náá-ɓ=ɔkʷ 1s+pot-beat=2s.io aɮa now 'But you have gone and stolen, so I will beat you now.'

*Macəkəmbay* 'meanwhile' indicates that the information in the clause marked in this way occurred off the main event line. Example (61) is from the Race story (Friesen 2003). The clause with *macəkəmbay* marks what the toad had done before the race – he had secretly invited his brothers to line the race route so that there would always be a toad ahead of the giraffe. The giraffe ran faster than the toad, but when he stopped running and called out to see how far behind him the toad was, one of the toad's friends ahead of him would call to him, making him run so hard that he collapsed, thereby losing the race.

(61) Paraw tədəya məhəme, ɓərketem, ɓərketem, ɓərketem. paraw id:sudden start tə-d=ija 3p-prepare=plu mɪ-hɪm-ɛ nom-run-cl ɓɪrkɛtɛm id:run ɓɪrkɛtɛm id:run ɓɪrkɛtɛm id:run '*Paraw*, they started the race, running *birketem, birketem, birketem*.'

Kərcece enjé təf na, awəy, "Moktonok nok amta?" kɪrtʃɛtʃɛ giraffe ɛ-nʒ-ɛ 3s-leave-cl təf id:far na psp awij said mɔkʷtɔnɔkʷ toad nɔkʷ 2s amta where 'The giraffe went far away [along the race route]. He said, "Toad, where are you?"' Moktonok awəy, "Ne ko ehe." Awəy, "Wa alma⁈"

mɔkʷtɔnɔkʷ toad awij said nɛ 1s kʷɔ no matter ɛhɛ here awij said wa what alma what 'A toad said, "I am way over here." [The giraffe] said, "What on earth⁈" (lit. he said, "What what")'

### 12 Clause combining

[**Macəkəmbay** moktonok na, abək ta aya va [**matsəkəmbaj** meanwhile mɔkʷtɔnɔkʷ toad na psp a-bək 3s-invite ta=aja=va 3p.do=plu=prf 'Meanwhile, the toad, he had already invited'

məlama ahan ahay jəyga]. məlama=ahaŋ=ahaj brother=3s.poss=Pl dzijga] all 'all his brothers.'

### **12.4 Juxtaposed clauses**

Many clauses in a Moloko discourse are independent and are not linked grammatically to a preceding or following clause by a connector or by the presupposition marker *na*. The semantic nature of the connection between these unmarked, juxtaposed clauses is inferred from the context.<sup>10</sup> A juxtaposed clause can simply re-express the thought in the first clause. In (62), the second clause restates in the negative that God is near. In (63), the second clause makes more precise the general instruction in the first clause. In (64), the second clause expands on what the speaker sees about the chief. In the examples in this section, each clause is delimited by square brackets and the juxtaposed clause is bolded.


<sup>10</sup>The presupposition marker *na* aids in making a connection between two clauses, because it makes it explicit that the first (*na*-marked) clause is known information. *Na* constructions have already been discussed in Section 11.1.

12.4 Juxtaposed clauses

(64) [Nəmənjar bahay]; [**ndahan aka ozom sese**]. [nə-mənzar 1s-see bahaj] chief [**ndahaŋ** 3s **aka** on **á-zɔm** 3s+ifv-eat **ʃɛʃɛ**] meat 'I see the chief; he is eating meat.'

Example (65) is from S. 8–10 in the peak episode of the Snake story. There is a series of three juxtaposed independent clauses. The second is a restatement of the first. The third follows chronologically.

(65) Snake, S. 8 [Mbaɗala ehe na, nabay oko], [mbaɗala then ɛhɛ here na psp nà-b-aj 1s+pfv-light-cl ɔkʷɔ] fire 'Then, I turned on a light,' Snake, S. 9

[**nazala təystəlam əwla**], [**nà-zaɗ=ala** 1s+pfv-take=to **tijstəlam=uwla**] torch=1s.poss

'I took my flashlight,'

Snake, S. 10 [**nabay cəzlarr**]. [**nà-b-aj** 1s+pfv-light-cl **tsəɮarr**] id:shining the flashlight up 'I shone it up *cəzlarr*.'

Two juxtaposed clauses can express a logical or chronological sequence. A temporal (or logical) sequence from the Cicada fable is seen in (66). The two clauses are the chief's command to bring the tree to his door. First (clause 1), the people are to bring the tree and next (clause 2), they are to place it by his door.

(66) Cicada, S. 9

[Káazəɗom anaw ala agwazla ndana ka mahay əwla aka]. [káá-zʊɗ-ɔm 2p+pot-take-2p an=aw dat=1s.io =ala =to agʷaɮa spp. of tree ndana dem ka on mahaj=uwla door=1s.poss aka] on 'You will bring that previously mentioned tree to my door for me.'

### 12 Clause combining

[**Káafəɗom anaw ka mahay əwla aka**]. [**káá-fʊɗ-ɔm** 2p+pot-put-2p **an=aw** dat=1s.io **ka** on **mahaj=uwla** door=1s.poss **aka**] on 'You will put it down by my door.'

Example (67) is a longer temporal sequence from the peak of the Snake story (S. 13–18). S. 13 links to the preceding discourse with a *na*-marked clause, but the rest of the clauses (S. 14–18) are juxtaposed. There are no conjunctions or discourse particles to indicate how the clauses are linked. These juxtaposed clauses are a fast-moving temporal sequence (with a narrator's interjection in S. 16): he takes his spear (S. 13), hears the penetration (S. 14–15), the snake falls (S. 17), he clubs it to death (S. 18).

(67) Snake, S. 13

[Ne mbət məmbete oko əwla na]. [nɛ 1s mbət turn off mɪ-mbɛt-ɛ nom-turn off-cl ɔkʷɔ=uwla light=1s.poss na] psp 'I turned off my light.'

[Kaləw nazala ezlere əwla]. [kàluw id:take quickly nà-zaɗ=ala 1s+pfv-take=to ɛɮɛrɛ=uwla] spear=1s.poss

'Quickly I took my spear.'

Snake, S. 14-15 **[Mək ava alay]**. **[Mecesle mbəraɓ]**. **[mək=ava=alaj]** id:penetrate=in=to **[mɛ-tʃɛɬ-ɛ** nom-penetrate-cl **mbəraɓ]** id:penetrate

'Penetration *mək*! It penetrated, *mbəraɓ*!'

Snake, S. 16 **[Ele a Hərmbəlom, ele ga ajənaw ete [ɛlɛ** thing **a** gen **Hʊrmbʊlɔm** God **ɛlɛ** thing **ga** adj **à-dzən=aw** 3s+pfv-help=1s.io **ɛtɛ** also 'God helped me also'

**kəl kəl kə ndahan aka]**. **kəl kəl** exactly **kə** on **ndahaŋ** 3s **aka]** on '[that the spear] went exactly on him' 12.4 Juxtaposed clauses

Snake, S. 17 **[Ádəɗala vbaɓ a wəyen ava]**. **[á-dəɗ=ala** 3s+ifv-fall=to **ѵaɓ** id:falling on ground **a** at **wijɛŋ** ground **ava]** on 'and he fell on the ground *vbaɓ*.' Snake, S. 18 **[Ne dəyday məkəɗe na aka]**. **[nɛ** 1s **dijdaj** id:approximately **mɪ-kɪɗ-ɛ** nom-kill-cl **na=aka]** 3s.do=on

'I clubbed it to death (approximately).'

Two clauses linked by juxtaposition can also express a comparison (68–69). The first clause is a predicate-adjective clause (see Section 10.1.2) including the attribute being compared. The second clause establishes the comparison by means of the verb *dal* 'pass.'


## **Appendix A: List of verbs**

This list has been adapted from Friesen & Mamalis 2008 and Starr, Boyd & Bow 2000. Verbs are listed in their 2s imperative form (citation form). The table shows syllable structure, prosody, and underlying tone (sometimes in question) for each verb from Bow's research (1997c).








1 the only non /CaC/-aj HH verb




## **Appendix B: Verb paradigms**


Table B.1: *zɔm* 'eat' (high tone)


Table B.2: *ʃɛ* 'drink' (Low tone)

Table B.3: *həmaj* 'run' (toneless)



Table B.4: *lɔ* 'go' (Low tone Irregular)

## **Appendix C: Moloko-English Lexicon**

## **A - a**

**a-** vpfx. *3s subject*. **a** adp. *at, to*. **a…ava** adp. *in*. **aba** ext. *there is*. **abalak** n. *hangar to give shade in front of a house*. **Aban** n.pr. *name of child following twins*. *Cf.:* **Masay, Aləwa**. **abangay** n. *large bright star; planet Venus*. **abangay dedew** n. *star of the morning*. **abangay a ləho** n. *star of the night*. **abay** ext. *there is not*. **abəlgamay** id. n. *the way a sick person walks*. **aɓalan** n. *goat horn*. **aɓəsay** n. *blemish*. **adama** n. *adultery*. **adamay** n. *spouse's sibling*. **adangay** n. *stick*. **adan bay** adv. *perhaps*. **afa** adp. *at the house of*. **agaban** n. *sesame seeds/plant*.

**agwazlak** n. *rooster*. **agwəjer** n. *grass*. **ahakay** adv. *here*. **-ahan** nclitic. *3s possessive*. **ahar** n. *hand*. **baba ahar** n. *thumb*. **war ahar** n. *finger*. **bəbəza ahar ahay** n. *fingers*. **-ahay** nclitic. *plural*. **-aka** vclitic. *on (top of)*. **akar** n. *theft*. **-ala** vclitic. *towards*. **alahar** n. *weapon, bracelet*. **-alay** vclitic. *away*. **albaya** n. *young man*. **almamar** n. *dry season*. **-aloko** nclitic. *1Pin possessive*. **-aloko** vclitic. *1Pin indirect object*. **-aləkwəye** nclitic. *2p possessive*. **-aləkwəye** vclitic. *2p indirect object*. **-aləme** nclitic. *1Pex possessive*. **-aləme** vclitic. *1Pex indirect object*. **Aləwa** n.pr. *name of the second twin*. *Cf.:* **Masay**.

**agwazla** n. *tree species for chief's house*. **almay** pn. *what*. **amar** n. *oil*. **amata** n. *outside*. **ambay** n. *manioc*. **ambəlak** n. *cut, sore*. **amtamay** pn. *where*. **-an** vclitic. *3s indirect object*. **ana** adp. *to*. **andakay** interj. *what's his/her name*. **andəbaba** n. *duck*. **andəra** n. *peanut*. **anga** adp. *possessive*. **ango** nclitic. *2s possessive*. **angolay** v. *take courage*. **angwərzla** n. *sparrow*. **anjakar** n. *chicken*. **apazan** adv. *yesterday*. **asa** conj. *if*. **asabay** adv. *never again*. **asak** n. *foot, leg*. **asara** n. *Westerner*. **asəbo** adv. *below.* **aslar** n. *tooth*. **-ata** vclitic. *3p indirect object*. **-ata** nclitic. *3p possessive*.

**atəko** n. *okra*. **ava** n. *arrow*. **-ava** vclitic. *in*. **ava** adp. *in*. **ava** ext. *there is (in a place)*. **avar** n. *rain*. **avəlo** adv. *above.* **avəya** n. *suffering*. **-aw** vclitic. *1s indirect object*. **awak** n. *goat*. **awəy** v. *s/he said*. **ayah** n. *squirrel*. **ayaw** adv. *yes*. **ayokon** adv. *agreed*. **ayva** n. *inside house*. **azana** adv. *perhaps*. **azan** n. *temptation, trap*. **azay** n. *excrement, faeces*. **azay andəra** n. *deep-fried pastry made from peanuts after the oil is removed*. **azəɓat** n. *a dish made of bean leaves*. **azlam** n. *vulture*. **azla** adv. *now*. **azləna** conj. *but*.

## **B - b**

**baba** n. *father*. **babək** id. *idea of burying*. **babəza** n. *children*. **baɗay** v. *marry*. **bah** v. *pour*. **bahay** n. *chief*. **bakaka** id. *spicy hot taste*. **bal** v. *move*.

**balon** n. *soccer ball/soccer*. **balay** v. *wash*. **bamba** n. *story*. **barka** n. *blessing*. **baskwar** n. *bicycle*. **batay** v. *evaporate*. **bay** neg. *not*. **bay** v. *light*.

**baya** n. *one time, occasion*. **baybojo** n. *lizard*. **baz** v. *harvest*. **bazlay** v. *breathe*. **beke** n. *slave*. **bəfa** id. *idea of being close*. **bəjakay** v. *dig shallow*. **bəjəgamay** v. *crawl*. **bəlay** n. *sea*. **bəlen** num. *one*. **bərkaday** v. *collect, squeeze*. **bərwaɗay** v. *drive*. **bəway** n. *baboon*. **bəwce** n. *mat*. **bəwɗere** id. *idea of foolishness*. **bəyaw** n. *next year*. **bəyna** conj. *because*. **bokay** v. *cultivate a second time; be bald*. **bolay** v. *knead, soak*. **botot** id. *idea of flying away*. **bozlom** n. *cheek*.

## **Ɓ - ɓ**

**ɓah** v. *sew*. **ɓal** v. *stir*. **ɓalay** v. *build*. **ɓar** v. *shoot an arrow*. **ɓaray** v. *toss and turn while sick*. **ɓasay** v. *tolerate*. **ɓavbaw** id. *sound or idea of men running*. **ɓay** v. *hit*. **ɓelen** v. *build up to*. **ɓezlen** v. *count*.

**ɓəl** id. *some*. **ɓəra** n. *granary*. **ɓərav** n. *heart, self*. **ɓərketem ɓərketem** id. *idea/sound of race*. **ɓərzlan** n. *mountain*. **ɓərzlay** v. *throw a fit*. **ɓəslay** v. *cough*. **ɓoray** v. *climb*. **ɓorcay** v. *first pounding, tear to pieces*.

## **C - c**

**caɓay** v. *skewer*. **caɗay** v. *smooth*. **caɗay** v. *clear*. **caɗay** v. *castrate*. **cafgal** n. *bucket*.

**cahay** v. *get water*. **cahay** v. *ask*. **cahay** v. *scarify*. **cacapa** id. *idea of later on.* **capay** v. *drape, double*.

**car** v. *climb*. **car** v. *taste good*. **caray** v. *tear up*. **carzlay** v. *fold legs*. **caslay** v. *pierce*. **caway** v. *cut off head*. **caway** v. *grow*. **cazlay** v. *pierce, cut*. **cazlay** v. *have a headache*. **ce** v. *lack, be insufficient*. **cece** n. *all*. **cece** n. *louse*. **cecekem** n. *first*. **cecew** n. *friend*. **cecewk** n. *flute*. **cefe** v. *betray*. **celelew** n. *chain*. **cen** v. *hear, understand*. **cew** num. *two*. **cezlere** n. *disobedience*. **cəɓay** v. *overwhelm*.

**cəcəngehe** adv. *now*. **cəɗew** n. *smallness*. **cəɗoy** n. *trick*. **cəɗokay** v. *crouch, squat*. **cəfəɗay** v. *ask for*. **cəje** n. *disease*. **cəjen** v. *lose, get lost*. **cəjen** n. *mortar*. **cəkafay** v. *get up*. **cəkalay** v. *assemble, unite*. **cəke** v. *stand*. **cəkele** n. *price*. **cəkəzlay** v. *forget*. **cəlokoy** v. *peel*. **cərr** id. *idea of guinea fowl running*. **cəveɗ** n. *road*. **cəzlahay** v. *cut, chop*. **cəzlar** id. *idea of shining upwards*. **coco** id. *sound/idea of cutting with axe*. **cokoy** v. *undress*. **cokor** n. *fish net*.

## **D - d**


**dar** v. *burn*. **daray** v. *plant, snore*. **daslay** v. *castrate, sterilize*. **dav** v. *drop*. **daz** adv. *one complete year*. **dazlay** v. *join, tie*. **de** v. *cook, prepare*. **debezem** n. *jawbone*. **dede** n. *grandmother*. **dedew** n. *morning*. **dedewe** n. *egret*. **dedəlen** n. *blackness*.

**deftere** n. *book*. **dergwecek** id. *idea of lifting on head*. **dewele** n. *obligation*. **dey** adv. *emphasis*. **dəbakay** v. *persuade, relieve*. **dəbənay** v. *learn, teach*. **dəbo** num. *1000*. **dəɓəsolək** id. *idea of collapsing, dying*. **dəgolay** n. *thigh*. **dəl** id. *idea of insulting*. **dəlmete** n. *neighbour*. **dəlov** n. *lake*. **dəndara** n. *lamp*. **dəngaɗay** v. *lean back*. **dəngo** n. *neck, voice*.

**dəray** n. *head*. **dəreffefe** id. *sound/idea of movement*. **dəren** adv. *far*. **dəres** id. *idea of many*. **dərlenge** n. *hyena*. **dəwa** n. *debt*. **dəwlay** n. *millet drink*. **Dəwlek** n. *Thursday market day in the village of Doulek*. **dəwnəya** n. *earth*. **dəyday** id. *approximately*. **dəya** v. *take many*. **dokay** v. *arrive*. **dolokoy** n. *syphilis*. **dozloy** v. *intersect, meet*.

## **Ɗ - ɗ**

**ɗaf** n. *millet loaf, food*. **ɗak** v. *plug*. **ɗakay** v. *indicate.* **ɗas** v. *be heavy/honourable*. **ɗaslay** v. *multiply*. **ɗaw** pn. *question marker*. **ɗaz ɗaz** n. *redness*. **ɗazl** v. *spread for building*. **ɗe** v. *flourish, soak in order to soften*. **ɗeɗen** n. *truth*. **ɗeɗew** n. *pot*.

**ɗeləywel** n. *paper*. **ɗen** id. *idea of putting*. **ɗəgalay** v. *think*. **ɗəgocoy** v. *stalk*. **ɗəgom** n. *nape*. **ɗəma** n. *time*. **ɗəw** adv. *also*. **ɗəwa** n. *milk, breast*. **ɗəwer** n. *sleep*. **ɗəwge** adv. *actually*. **ɗocay** v. *squeeze, juice*.

## **E - e**

**eɗəyen** n. *bird*. **eɗongwereɗ** n. *type of tree*. **egəne** adv. *today*. **ehe** adp. *here*. **ehe** adv. *no*. **ehwəɗe** n. *nail, claw.* **elé** n. *eye*. **ele** n. *thing*. **elele** n. *leaf ; sauce made from edible leaves.* **eleməzləɓe** n. *termites*. **eləmene** n. *treasure*. **emelek** n. *bracelet*. **endeɓ** n. *brain ; wisdom*. **enen** n. *snake*. **enen** pn. *another*. **engeren** n. *insect*. **epeley** pn. *when*.

**epele epele** id. *in the future, forever*. **ercece** n. *compassion*. **erkece** n. *ostrich*. **ese** adv. *again*. **esew** n. *laziness*. **esəmey** adv. *not so?*. **eslesleɓ** n. *saliva*. **eslesleɗ** n. *egg*. **ete** adv. *also*. **eteme** n. *onion*. **etew** n. *hawk*. **etey** adv. *polite demand*. **eyeweɗ** n. *whip*. **eyewk** n. *ground nut*. **ezeweɗ** n. *cord*. **ezewk** n. *misfortune*. **ezlegweme** n. *camel*. **ezlere** n. *spear*.

**Ə - ə**

**əwɗe** adv. *first*. **əwfaɗ** num. *four*. **əwla** nclitic. *1s possessive*.

**fabay** neg. *not yet*. **faɗ** v. *put, set down*. **faɗay** v. *fold*. **fakay** v. *uproot a tree*.

## **F - f**

**fan** adv. *already*. **far** v. *scratch*. **fat** n. *sun, daytime*. **fat** v. *germinate*.

**fatay** v. *descend*. **fe** v. *play a wind instrument*. **fefen** n. *millet leaf*. **fenge** n. *termite mound*. **fətaɗay** v. *sharpen to a point*. **fəhh** id. *sound/idea of truck engine humming*.

**Fətak** n. *name of a village and a clan of Moloko*. **fofofo** id. *sound/idea of a snake slithering*. **fokoy** v. *whistle*.

**fowwa** id. *sound/idea of wind blowing*.

## **G - g**

**ga** nclitic. *adjectiviser*. **gabay** v. *constipate*. **gala** n. *yard*. **galay** v. *herd, chase*. **gam** quant. *much*. **gar** n. *difficulty* **gar** v. *grow*. **garay** v. *command, frighten*. **gas** v. *catch, accept*. **gazay** v. *nod*. **ge** v. *do*. **gembəre** n. *bride price*. **gəɓar** n. *fear*. **gəɓokoy** v. *bend over*. **gədan** n. *strength*. **gədəgalay** v. *get fat*. **gədəgar** v. *granulate, weave*. **gədo gədo gədo** id. *sight/idea of man running*. **gədok** id. *make beer.* **gəɗəgəzl** id. *idea of setting down something heavy.* **gəgəmay** n. *cotton*. **gəgoro** n. *ram*. **gəjah** v. *pull*.

**gəjakay** v. *hang*. **gəjar** v. *take or steal by force*. **gəlan** n. *kitchen*. **gəlan** n. *threshing floor*. **gəlo** n. *left*. **gəlo** n. *firstborn son*. **gəmsodo** n. *maternal uncle*. **gənaw** n. *animal*. **gəraw** id. *idea of cutting something through the middle*. **gərəp gərəp** id. *sight/idea of something heavy running (cows)*. **gəsan** n. *bull*. **gəvah** n. *cultivated field*. **gəver** n. *liver*. **gəvoy** v. *rot meat to flavour food*. **gəzamay** v. *lose weight*. **gəzo** n. *hip*. **gəzom** n. *millet beer*. **gobay** n. *a lot*. **gocoy** v. *throw, sow*. **gogolvon** n. *snake*. **gogor** n. *elder*. **gogwez** n. *redness*. **gohoy** v. *brush*.

### C Moloko-English Lexicon

**goloy** v. *silence*. **golo** n.voc. *dear*. **goroy** v. *strip leaves from stalk*. **gorcoy** v. *sniff, slurp*. **goro** n. *kola nut*.

**gwədar** n. *youngest child*. **gwədeɗek** n. *frog*. **gwəla** n. *son*. **gwəlek** n. *small axe*. **gwəzoy** v. *tan, treat animal skin*.

## **H - h**


**homboh** n. *pardon*. **hor** n. *woman, wife*. **hawər ahay** n. *women*. **hwəɗa** n. *dregs*.

**hwəlen** n. *back*. **hwəsese** n. *smallness*. **hwəter** n. *tail*. **hwəzlay** v. *destroy*.

## **J - j**

**jajak** adv. *fast*. **jajay** n. *dawn, light*. **jakay** v. *lean*. **japay** v. *mix*. **jav** v. *plant*. **javar** n. *guinea fowl*. **jay** v. *speak*. **jegwer** n. *limpness*. **jen** n. *luck*. **jere** n. *truth*. **jəbe** n. *tribe*. **jəb jəb** id. *completely wet*. **jəɗokoy** v. *mash*.

**jəgəlen** n. *stable*. **jəgor** n. *shepherd; stake*. **jəgor** v. *shepherd*. **jənay** v. *help*. **jəway** n. *fly*. **jəwk jəwk** adv. *suddenly*. **jəyga** quant. *all*. **jo** id. *take.* **jogo** n. *hat*. **johoy** v. *save, economize*. **jokoy** v. *pack down*. **jorɓoy** v. *wash clothes*.

## **K - k**

**k-** vpfx. *2s subject*. **kə…aka** adp. *on*. **ka** adv. *like*. **ka nehe** dem. *like this*. **ka ngəhe** dem. *like this here*. **kaɓay** v. *cook or stir quickly next to fire*. **kaɗ** v. *kill by clubbing*. **kaɗay** v. *prune*. **kaləw** id. *quickly*.

**kamay** pn. *why*. **kapay** v. be *roughcast*. **karay** v. *steal*. **akar** n. *theft*. **kasl** v. *wait ; watch over*. **kay** interj. *exclamation when surprised*. **kekəɓkekeɓ** id. *sharpness*. **kəɓəcay** v. *snap*. **kəɓəcay** v. *blink quickly*. **kəcaway** v. *trap, seize*.

**kək** id. *idea of catching someone by the throat*. **kəkef kəf** id. *idea of someone who hasn't any weight (an insult)*. **kəlakasl** n. *bone*. **kəlbawak** n. *bird*. **kəlef** n. *fish*. **kəlen** n. *seer*. **kəlen** disc. *then*. **kəl kəl** id. *exactly*. **kəla** conj. *Benefactive*. **kəlo** adv. *before*. **kəmbohoy** v. *wrap*. **kəmeje** n. *clothes*. **kəndal** id. *sound/idea of pounding millet*. **kəndew** n. *stringed instrument*. **kəra** n. *dog*. **kəramba** n. *crocodile*. **kəray** adv. *everywhere*. **kərcece** n. *giraffe*. **kərɗay** v. *chew*. **kərɗaway** v. *scrape*. **kəre** n. *rafter*. **kərkaɗaw** n. *monkey.* **kərkay** v. *kneel*. **kərkayah** n. *turtle*. **kəro** num. *ten*. **kəroy** v. *mount*.

**kərpasla** n. *wings*. **kərsay** n. *cucumber*. **kərsoy** v. *sweep*. **kərtoy** v. *undress, peel*. **kərway** v. *cultívate second time*. **kərwəɗ wəɗ kərwəɗ wəɗ** id. *sight/idea of an old person trying to run*. **kətay** v. *punish*. **kətefer** n. *scoop*. **kəway** v. *look for*. **kəway** v. *get drunk*. **kəwaya** conj. *because, that is*. **kəwna** id. *idea of grasping*. **kəy** id. *idea of looking*. **kəya** n. *moon*. **kəyga** dem. *like that*. **kəygehe** dem. *like this*. **ko** adv. *even*. **kokofoy** n. *newborn baby*. **kokolo** n. *leprosy*. **kokor** n. *gourd.* **koloy** v. *dry*. **kondon** n. *banana*. **koroy** v. *put*. **kosoko** n. *market*. **kweɗe kweɗe** n. *shakers*. **kwəcesl** n. *viper*. **kwəleɗeɗe** n. *smooth.* **kwəsay** n. *haze*.

**lagay** v. *accompany*. **lala** adv. *good*. **lamay** v. *touch*. **lamba** n. *number*.

## **L - l**

**laway** v. *hang*. **laway** v. *mate with*. **lay** v. *dig*. **layaw** n. *large squash*. **lekwel** n. *school*. **ləbara** n. *news*. **ləhe** n. *bush, fields*. **ləho** n. *evening*. **ləkwəye** pn. *2p*. **ləme** pn. *1Pex*.

**ləmes** n. *song*. **ləpəre** n. *needle*. **ləvan** n. *night*. **lo** v. *go.* **loko** pn. *1Pin*. **lolokoy** n. *mouse trap*.

## **M - m**

**ma** n. *mouth, language, word*. **maɓasl** n. *pumpkin*. **macəkəmbay** conj. *meanwhile*. **madan** n. *sorcery*. **madəras** n. *pig*. **mahaw** n. *snake*. **mahay** n. *door*. **makala** n. *donut*. **makar** num. *three*. **makay** v. *leave, let go*. **malay** v. *leave*. **malan** n. *greatness*. **malgamay** n. *jawbone*. **malmay** pn. *what?* **mama** n. *mother*. **mana** n. *so and so*. **mangasl** n. *fiancé*. **manjara** n. *termite*. **manjaw** n. *donut made from ground nuts*. **marasl** n. *hail*. **margaba** n. *termite species*. **Masay** n.pr. *name of first twin*. *Cf.:* **Aləwa**. **maslalam** n. *sword*. **maslar** n. *front teeth*. **mat** v. *die*. **mataɓasl** n. *cloud*. **mavaɗ** n. *sickle*. **mawar** n. *tamarind*. **may** n. *hunger*. **may** pn. *what? (emphatic)*. **mazlərpapan** n. *spider*. **mazloko** n. *lion*. **mba** id. *a short time*. **mbaɗ** v. *change*. **mbaɗay** v. *swear*. **mbahay** v. *call*. **mbaf** id. *idea of full up to the roof*. **mbajak** id. *something big and reflective*. **mbar** v. *heal*. **mbasay** v. *smile*. **mbat** v. *turn off*. **mbay** n. *manioc*. **mbay** v. *follow*. **mbazl** v. *demolish*. **mbe** v. *argue, scold*. **mbeɗem** n. *centre, middle*. **mbesen** v. *rest, breathe.* **mbeten** v. *extinguish*. **mbezlen** v. *count*. **mbəlɗoy** v. *skin, peel*.

**mbəlele** n. *elephant.* **mbəraɓ** id. *idea of penetration*. **mbəramay** v. *blink slowly, break violently*. **mbərcay** v. *untie*. **mbərkala** n. *red millet*. **mbərlom** n. *throat*. **mbərway** v. *destroy violently.* **mbərzlay** v. *pass*. **mbəzen** v. *ruin*. **mbocoy** v. *beat lightly*. **Mboko** n.pr. *Mbuko people/language*. **mbomoy** v. *gather with a stick*. **mebebek** n. *bat*. **mecekweɗ** n. *larva, worm*. **medəlengwez** n. *leopard*. **meher** n. *forehead*. **mekec** n. *knife*. **mekəlewez** n. *mongoose*. **Meme** n. *market day in the village of Meme*. **memele** n. *tree*. **memey** pn. *how*. **memle** n. *joy*. **mepetəpete** n. *butterfly*. **merkwe** n. *stranger, traveler*. **mesesewk** n. *termite species*. **meslenen** pn. *no one*. **metesle** n. *curse*. **mey** pn. *how (emphatic)*. **mədara** n. *fire*. **mədegen** n. *cold/flu*. **mədehwer** n. *old person*. **mədəga** n. *older sibling*. **mədəger** n. *hoe*. **mədəra** n. *bicep*. **məf** interj. *get away* ! **məfaɗ** num. *four*.

**məjəvoko** n. *celebration (lit. planting fire)*. **mək** id. *idea of positioning self for throwing something (spear)*. **məko** num. *six*. **məlama** n. *sibling*. **məlay** v. *enjoy*. **Məloko** n.pr. *Moloko people/language*. **məndacay** v. *gather*. **məndəye** n. *day*. **məndocay** v. *gather*. **məngahak** n. *crow*. **məngamak** n. *wild cat*. **mənjaɗ** adp. *without*. **mənjar** v. *see*. **mənjəye** n. *habits*. **məpapar** n. *grass fence*. **məray** n. *shame*. **mərcay** v. *put horizontally*. **məsek** n. *pot*. **mətenen** n. *bottom*. **mətəde** n. *cicada*. **mətəmbətəmbezl** *viper*. **mətəmey** pn. *how much/how many*. **mətərak** n. *pap, hot drink made with rice*. **məvəye** n. *year*. **məwta** n. *truck*. **məyek** n. *deer*. **məze** n. *person*. **məzlelem** n. *trumpet*. **mogo** n. *anger*. **mogodok** n. *hawk*. **mogom** n. *house, home*. **Mokəyo** n.pr. *Market day of the village of Mokəyo*. **moktonok** n. *toad*. **molo** n. *vulture*.

**molo** n. *twin*. **molom** n. *home market day*. **mombərkotok** n. *fish*. **mongom** n. *horn*.

**mongoro** n. *mango*. **morkoyo** n. *oldest child*. **mosokoy** n. *vegetable sauce*. **mozongo** n. *chameleon*.

## **N - n**


### C Moloko-English Lexicon

**njavar** n. *young man over 18*. **nje** v. *leave*. **nje** v. *sit, suffice*. **njeren** v. *groan*. **njəɗa** n. *power*. **njəl njəl** id. *sight/idea of youth running*. **njəɗok njəɗok** id. *sight/idea of child running*. **njəwelek** n. *leaf for making a sauce*. **njəw njəw njəw** id. *idea of grinding*. **nok** pn. *2s*.

## **O - o**


## **P - p**



## **R - r**

**rah** v. *fill, satisfy*. **rah** v. *pluck*. **rasay** v. *minimize*. **re** adv. *in spite of*. **reke** n. *sugar cane*. **rəbok** n. *hiding place.* **rəbok rəbok** id. *idea of hiding*. **rəbokay** v. *hide*. **rəɓay** v. *be beautiful*. **rəcoy** v. *block up*.

## **S - s**

**saɓay** v. *exceed*. **sahay** v. *slander*. **sak** v. *multiply*. **sakay** v. *sift*.

**sar** v. *know*. **savah** n. *rainy season*. **say** v. *cut, please*. **sawan** adv. *without help*. **se** v. *drink*. **seɓetəy** v. *repair*. **sede** n. *witness*. **sen** id. *idea of going*. **serəya** n. *judgement*. **sese** n. *meat*. **səber** n. *height*. **səɓatay** v. *trick, tempt*. **sədaray** v. *misbehave*. **səkar** n. *spirit being*. **səkat** n. *hundred*. **səkom** v. *buy/sell*. **səkoy** n. *clan*. **səlɗay** v. *cross ankles*. **səlek** n. *jealousy*. **səlewk** n. *broom*. **səlom** n. *good*. **səloy** n. *money*. **səloy** v. *cook on fire*. **səmbetewk** n. *hair*. **sənewk** n. *shadow, spirit*. **sərkay** v. *do something habitually*. **səsayak** n. *wart*. **səsəre** num. *seven*. **səwat** id. *idea of dispersing*. **səwse** n. *thanks*. **səy** conj. *except*.

**səya** v. *cut*. **səyfa** n. *life*. **səysay** n. *5 francs*. **sla** n. *cow*. **slahay** v. *mix grain with ashes to prevent insects from eating seeds*. **slala** n. *village*. **slalakar** num. *eight*. **slam** n. *place*. **slapay** v. *braid*. **slar** v. *send*. **slaray** v. *slide*. **slay** v. *slay*. **sləɓatay** v. *repair*. **sləlay** n. *root*. **sləmay** n. *ear, name*. **slərah** n. *board*. **slərele** n. *work*. **slohoy** v. *leave in secret*. **slohoy** v. *take leaves off stalk*. **sloko** n. *earring*. **soɓoy** v. *suck*. **sokoy** v. *whisper*. **solay** v. *fry*. **sono** n. *joke*. **soroy** v. *slide*.

## **T - t**

**t-** vpfx. *3p*. **-ta** vclitic. *3p direct object*. **tacay** v. *close*. **taɗ** v. *fall*. **taf** v. *spit*.

**tah** v. *pile something*. **tah** v. *reach out*. **tahay** v. *boost*. **talay** v. *walk*. **tam** v. *save*.

**tapay** v. *stick*. **tar** v. *enter*. **taray** v. *call*. **taslay** v. *curse*. **tenjew** n. *mosquito*. **tere** n. *another, a different one*. **tertere** id. *idea of something different*. **tezeh** n. *boa*. **tezl tezlezl** id. *idea of hollowness*. **təde** n. *good*. **tədo** n. *leopard*. **təɗoy** v. *roll, wind*. **təf** id. *idea of going far*. **təh** id. *idea of putting on head*. **təkam** v. *taste*. **təkaray** v. *try, invite*. **təkasay** v. *cross*. **təkosoy** v. *fold, cross*. **təkwərak** n. *partridge*.

**təlɓaway** v. *be sticky*. **təlokoy** v. *drip*. **təmak** n. *sheep*. **təmbaɗay** v. *twist*. **təmbalay** v. *shake out stones*. **tərɗay** v. *tie off*. **təta** pn. *3p*. **təta** adv. *is able to*. **tətərak** n. *shoes*. **təvalay** v. *hunt*. **təwaɗay** v. *go across*. **təway** v. *cry*. **təwe** n. *cry*. **toho** dem. *far*. **tohoy** v. *trace*. **tokoy** v. *tap*. **Tokombere** n.pr. *Tuesday market*. **tololon** n. *heart, chest.* **tosoy** v. *bud, uproot*.

## **V - v**


## **W - w**


## **Y - y**

**ya** nsfx. *respectful vocative*. **yaɗay** v. *tire*. **yam** n. *water*. **yamay** v. *spin*.

**yeɗ yeɗ yeɗ** id. *sight/idea of ostrich running*. **Yerəyma** n. *prince ; Monday market*.

## **Z - z**

**zaɗ** v. *take, carry* **zana** n. *clothes, cloth*. **zar** n. *male ; husband*.

**zawər ahay** n. *men*. **zaray** v. *linger*. **zay** n. *peace, wholeness*.


## **Appendix D: English-Moloko Lexicon**

## **A - a**

**able to** *təta*. **above** *avəlo*. **accept, catch** *gas*. **accompany** *lagay*. **actually** *ɗəwge*. **adultery** *adama*. **again** *ese*. **agreed** *ayokon*. **all** *cece, jəyga, pat*. **all night** *vəɗ vaɗ* . **already** *fan*. **also** *ɗəw*. **also, as well** *ete*. **and** *nata*. **anger** *mogo*.

**animal** *gənaw*. **announce** *wəzlay*. **another** *enen*. **appear** *zləray*. **argue** *mbe*. **arrive** *dokay*. **arrow** *ava*. **ask** *cahay*. **ask for** *cəfəɗay*. **assemble** *cəkalay*. **at the house of** *afa*. **attach** *wal*. **axe** *ozlərgo, zlərgo*. **axe, small** *gwəlek*.

## **B - b**

**baboon** *bəway, hərgov*. **back** *hwəlen*. **banana** *kondon*. **bat** *mebebek*. **be bald** *bokay*. **be beautiful** *rəɓay*.

**be heavy/honourable** *ɗas*. **be in conflict** *ngərzlay*. **be in process of** *nday*. **be insufficient** *ce*. **be roughcast** *kapay*. **be sticky** *təlɓaway*. **bean** *hahar*.

**beat lightly** *mbocoy*. **because** *bəyna, waya*. **because** *kəwaya*. **become drunk** *kəway*. **bee** *war omom*. **before** *kəlo*. **beetle** *hohom*. **beg** *hərkay*. **behind** *həlan*. **below** *asəbo*. **bend over** *gəɓokoy*. **benefit of** *kəla*. **betray** *cefe*. **better** *ngama*. **bicep** *mədəra*. **bicycle** *baskwar*. **bird species** *kəlbawak, eɗəyen*. **birth** *we*. **blackness** *dedəlen*. **blemish** *aɓəsay*. **blessing** *barka*. **blink quickly** *kəɓəcay*. **blink slowly** *mbəramay*. **block up** *rəcoy*. **blood** *pembez*. **boa** *tezeh*. **board** *slərah*. **body** *hərva*. **body (reduced forms)** *har, va*. **boil** *vəlay, vərɗay*. **bone** *kəlakasl*.

**book** *deftere*. **boost** *tahay*. **bottom** *mətenen*. **bracelet** *emelek*. **bracelet** *alahar*. **braid** *slapay*. **brain** *endeɓ*. **break** *haɓ, pasl*. **break** *ngərway*. **break violently** *mbəramay*. **breast** *ɗəwa*. **breathe** *bazlay*. **breathe** *mbesen*. **bride price** *gembere*. **bring** *pəcay*. **broom** *səlewk*. **brush** *gohoy*. **bucket** *cafgal*. **bud** *tosoy*. **build** *ɓalay*. **build up to** *ɓelen*. **bull** *gəsan*. **bump** *dafay*. **burn** *dar, ngəɗay, vakay*. **bush** *ləhe*. **but** *azləna*. **butt with horns** *ngəɗacay*. **butter** *wərsla*. **butterfly** *mepetəpete*. **buy/sell** *səkom*.

**call** *mbahay, taray*. **camel** *ezlegweme*. **cancel** *vasay*. **care** *zayəh*. **carry** *zaɗ* . **castrate** *caɗay*. **castrate** *daslay*. **cat** *pataw*. **cat, wild** *məngamak*. **catch** *gas*. **celebration** *məjəvoko*. **centre** *mbeɗem*. **chain** *celelew*. **chameleon** *mozongo*. **change** *mbaɗ* . **chase** *galay*. **chase away** *varay*. **cheek** *bozlom*. **chest** *tololon*. **chew** *kərɗay*. **chicken** *anjakar*. **chief** *bahay*. **child** *war*. **child, oldest** *morkoyo*. **child, youngest** *gwədar*. **children** *babəza ahay*. **choose** *palay*. **chop** *pəɗakay*. **chop** *cəzlahay*. **cicada** *mətəde*. **clan** *səkoy*. **claw** *ehwəɗe*. **clear** *caɗay*. **climb** *ɓoray*. **climb** *car*.

**close** *tacay*. **clothes** *kəmeje, zana*. **cloud** *mataɓasl*. **coin (5 francs)** *səysay*. **cold/flu** *mədegen*. **collect** *har*. **collect** *bərkaday*. **comb** *njaray*. **come back** *ngala*. **command** *garay*. **compassion** *ercece*. **constipate** *gabay*. **construct** *har*. **cook** *de*. **cook on fire** *səloy*. **cook or stir quickly next to fire** *kaɓay*. **cord** *ezeweɗ* . **cotton** *gəgəmay*. **cough** *ɓəslay*. **count** *ɓezlen, mbezlen*. **cow** *sla*. **crawl** *bəjəgamay*. **creator** *Hərmbəlom*. **crocodile** *kəramba*. **cross** *təkasay*. **cross** *təkosoy*. **cross ankles** *səlɗay*. **crouch** *cəɗokay*. **crow** *məngahak*. **crunch** *paɗay*. **crush** *zlaɓay*. **cry (noun)** *təwe*. **cry (verb)** *təway*. **cry (dog or rooster)** *zlah*. **cucumber** *kərsay*.

### D English-Moloko Lexicon

**cultivate** *was*. **cultivate second time** *kərway, bokay*. **cultivated field** *gəvah*. **cunning** *wewer*. **curse** *taslay*.

**cut** *səya*. **cut, chop** *cəzlahay, cazlay, say*. **cut (noun)** *ambəlak*. **cut off head** *caway*.

## **D - d**

**dance** *haɓay*. **darkness** *zən zen*. **dawn** *jajay*. **day** *məndəye*. **dear** *golo*. **debt** *dəwa*. **decimate** *pazlay*. **deer** *məyek*. **defend** *ngəlay*. **demolish** *mbazl*. **descend** *fatay*. **destroy** *hwəzlay*. **destroy violently** *mbərway*. **detach** *pəsakay*. **detach** *pasay*. **devour** *wəldoy*. **die** *mat*. **different** *tere*. **difficulty** *gar*. **dig** *lay*. **dig shallow** *bəjakay*.

**disease** *cəje*. **dismantle** *walay*. **disobedience** *cezlere*. **divide, share** *wəɗakay*. **do** *ge*. **dog** *kəra*. **donkey** *ozəngo*. **donut** *makala*. **donut made from ground nuts** *manjaw*. **door** *mahay*. **double, drape** *capay*. **dregs** *hwəɗa*. **drink** *se*. **drip** *təlokoy*. **drive** *bərwaɗay*. **drop** *dav*. **dry** *koloy*. **dry season** *almamar*. **duck** *andəbaba*.

## **E - e**

**ear** *sləmay*. **earring** *sloko*. **earth** *dəwnəya*. **eat** *zom*. **economize** *johoy*. **egg** *eslesleɗ* . **egret** *dedewe*. **eight** *slalakar*. **elder** *gogor*. **elephant** *mbəlele*. **emphasis** *dey*. **enjoy** *məlay*. **enough** *pew, haɗa* **enter** *tar*.

**evaporate** *batay*. **even** *ko*. **evening** *ləho*. **everywhere** *kəray*. **exceed** *saɓay*. **except** *səy*. **exclamation** *kay*. **excrement** *azay*. **existential** *aba*. **existential** *abay*. **existential** *ava*. **explode** *ndozlay*. **extinguish** *mbeten*. **eye** *elé*.

## **F - f**

**faeces** *azay*. **fake** *dar*. **fall** *daɗ, taɗ* . **fan** *pamay*. **far** *toho*. **far away** *dəren*. **fast** *jajak*. **fat** *okos*. **father** *baba*. **fatten** *gədəgalay*. **fear (noun)** *gəɓar*. **fear (verb)** *zlaway*. **fiancé** *mangasl*. **fields** *ləhe*. **fig tree** *hərov*.

**fill** *rah*. **find** *njakay*. **finger** *war ahar*. **fingers** *bəbəza ahar ahay*. **finish** *ndavay*. **fire** *oko, mədara*. **first (adv)** *əwɗe*. **first** *cecekem*. **first pounding** *ɓorcay*. **fish** *kəlef* . **fish net** *cokor*. **fish species** *mombərkotok*. **five** *zlom*. **flour** *həmbo*. **flourish** *ɗe*.

**flow, leak** *ngaz*. **flu/cold** *mədegen*. **flute** *cecewk*. **fly** *jəway*. **fly away** *vahay*. **fold** *faɗay, təkosoy*. **fold legs** *carzlay*. **follow** *dabay, mbay*. **food** *ɗaf* . **foot** *asak*.

**forbid** *wasl*. **forget** *cəkəzlay*. **forehead** *meher*. **four** *əwfaɗ, məfaɗ* . **friend** *cecew*. **frighten** *garay*. **frog** *gwədeɗek*. **fry** *solay*. **Ftak village and clan of Moloko** *Fətak*.

### **gather** *halay, məndacay, məndocay*. **gather with a stick** *mbomoy*. **germinate** *fat*. **get away!** məf. **get lost** *cəjen*. **get up** *cəkafay*. **get water** *cahay*. **giraffe** *kərcece*. **girl** *dalay*. **give** *vər*. **glorify** *zəmbaɗay*. **gnaw** *zlokoy*. **go** *lo*. **go across** *təwaɗay*. **go out** *zləray*. **goat** *awak*. **goat horn** *aɓalan*. **God** *Hərmbəlom*. **gold** *ogəro*. **good** *lala, səlom, təde*.

## **G - g**

**gourd** *kokor, zən zon*. **government** *ngomna*. **granary** *ɓəra*. **granary for straw** *hahar*. **grandmother** *dede*. **granulate** *gədəgar*. **grass** *agwəjer*. **grass fence** *məpapar*. **grasshopper** *heyew*. **grave** *hərdesl*. **greatness** *malan*. **greet someone** *hay*. **grind** *haya*. **grind (peanuts)** *ngəlday*. **grinding stone** *ver*. **groan** *njeren*. **ground nut** *eyewk*. **grow** *caway*. **grow** *gar*. **guinea fowl** *javar*.

## **H - h**

**habits** *mənjəye*. **habitually do something** *sərkay*. **hail** *marasl*. **hair** *səmbetewk*. **hand** *ahar*. **hang** *gəjakay, laway*. **hang** *vaway*. **hangar to give shade** *abalak*. **harvest** *baz*. **hat** *jogo*. **hate** *hərnje*. **have a headache** *cazlay*. **hawk** *etew, mogodok*. **haze** *kwəsay*. **head** *dəray*. **heal** *mbar*. **hear** *cen*. **heart (physical)** *tololon*. **heart (emotional)** *ɓərav*. **heat** *hereɓ*. **hedgehog** *otos*. **heat up** *hərɓoy*. **height** *səber*. **help** *jənay*. **herd** *galay*. **here** *ahakay, ehe, nehe*.

**heron** *ngərkaka*. **hide** *rəbokay*. **hiding place** *rəbok*. **hip** *gəzo*. **hit** *ɓay*. **hoe** *həlef, mədəger*. **hole** *pəɗe*. **home** *mogom*. **honey** *omom*. **horn** *mongom*. **horse** *pəles*. **hot drink made with rice** *mətərak*. **hour** *hara*. **house** *hay*. **how** *memey*. **how (emphatic)** *mey*. **how much/how many** *mətəmey*. **hundred** *səkat*. **hunger** *may*. **hunt** *təvalay*. **hurt** *wal*. **husband** *zar*. **hyena** *dərlenge*. **hyrax** *ocom*.

## **I - i**

**idea of approximately** *dəyday*. **idea of barely escaping** *pəyteɗ* . **idea of being close** *bəfa*. **idea of being completely wet** *jəb jəb*. **idea of burying** *babək*. **idea of catching someone by the throat** *kək*.

**idea of coldness** *pəyecece*.

**idea of collapsing** *dəɓəsolək*. **idea of cutting something through the middle** *gəraw*. **idea of dispersing** *səwat*. **idea of exactly** *kəl kəl*. **idea of flying away** *botot*. **idea of foolishness** *bəwɗere*. **idea of forever** *epele epele*. **idea of full up to the roof** *mbaf* . **idea of fullness** *peɗeɗe*. **idea of going** *sen*. **idea of going far** *təf* . **idea of grasping** *kəwna*. **idea of grinding** *njəw njəw njəw*. **idea of guinea fowl running** *cərr*. **idea of hardly breathing** *heɓek heɓek*. **idea of hiding** *rəbok rəbok*. **idea of hollowness** *tezl tezlezl*. **idea of insulting** *dəl*. **idea of later on** *cacapa*. **idea of lifting on head** *dergwecek*. **idea of long ago** *zlezle*. **idea of looking** *kəy*. **idea of making beer** *gədok*. **idea of many** *dəres*. **idea of opening door** *pok*. **idea of penetration** *mbəraɓ*. **idea of positioning self for throwing spear** *mək*. **idea of putting down** *ɗen*. **idea of putting on head** *təh*. **idea of quickly** *kaləw*. **idea of rapidly** *bəvbəvbə*. **idea of redness** *ɗaz ɗaz*. **idea of setting down something heavy** *gəɗəgəzl*. **idea of sharpness** *kekəɓ kekeɓ*. **idea of shining upwards** *cəzlar*.

**idea of a short time** *mba*. **idea of some** *ɓəl*. **idea of someone balancing something on head** *danjəw*. **idea of someone who hasn't any weight (an insult)** *kəkef kəf* . **idea of something big and reflective** *mbajak*. **idea of something different** *tertere*. **idea of spicy hot taste** *bakaka*. **idea of the start of a race** *pəvban*. **idea of sweetness** *poɗococo*. **idea of taking** *jo*. **idea of the way a sick person walks** *abəlgamay*. **idea/sight of child running** *njəɗok njəɗok*. **idea/sight of man running** *gədo gədo gədo*. **idea/sight of old person trying to run** *kərwəɗ wəɗ kərwəɗ wəɗ* . **idea/sight of ostrich running** *yeɗ yeɗ yeɗ* . **idea/sight of rabbit hopping** *pəvbəw pəvbəw*. **idea/sight of something heavy running (cows)** *gərəp gərəp*. **idea/sight of something multiplying** *wəsekeke*. **idea/sight of something thrown up high** *zor*. **idea/sight of a toad hopping** *pəcəkəɗək*. **idea/sight of youth running** *njəl njəl*. **idea/sound of bottle opening** *pək*. **idea/sound of cutting with axe** *coco*. **idea/sound of men running** *ɓavbaw*. **idea/sound of movement** *dəreffefe*.


## **J - j**

**jawbone** *debezem, malgamay*. **jealousy** *səlek*. **join** *dazlay*. **joint** *hərəngezl*. **joke** *sono*.

**joy** *memle*. **judgement** *serəya*. **juice** *ɗocay*. **jump** *həraɗ* .

## **K - k**

**kick** *zlar*. **kill by clubbing** *kaɗ* . **kill by piercing** *ndaz*. **kill many** *pazlay*. **kindness** *zənof* . **kitchen** *gəlan*.

**knead** *bolay*. **knee** *hərdedem*. **kneel** *kərkay*. **knife** *mekec*. **know** *sar*. **kola nut** *goro*.

## **L - l**


## **M - m**

**make cold** *ndeslen*. **man** *zar*. **man, young** *albaya*. **man, young over 18)** *njavar*. **mango** *mongoro*.

**manioc** *ambay*. **many** *haɗa*. **market** *kosoko*. **market day at home** *molom*. **market day at the village of Doulek** *Dəwlek*. **market day at the village of Mokəyo** *Mokəyo*. **market day in the village of Meme** *Meme*. **marry** *baɗay*. **mash** *jəɗokoy*. **mat** *bəwce*. **mate with** *laway*. **maybe** *ndawan*. **Mbuko people/language** *Mboko*. **meanwhile** *macəkəmbay*. **meat** *sese*. **medicine** *həraf* . **meet** *dozloy*. **melt** *pəɗak*. **men** *zawər ahay*. **metal** *hara*. **middle** *mbeɗem*. **milk** *ɗəwa*. **millet** *háy*. **millet, dry season** *omsoko*. **millet, red** *mbərkala*. **millet beer** *gəzom*. **millet drink** *dəwlay*. **millet leaf** *fefen*.

**millet loaf** *ɗaf* . **minimize** *rasay*. **misbehave** *sədaray*. **misfortune** *ezewk*. **mix** *japay*. **mix grain with ashes to prevent insects from eating seeds** *slahay*. **Moloko people/language** *Məloko*. **Monday market** *Yerəyma*. **money** *dala, səloy*. **mongoose** *mekəlewez*. **monkey** *kərkaɗaw*. **moon** *kəya*. **morning** *dedew*. **mortar** *cəjen*. **mosquito** *tenjew*. **mother** *mama*. **mount** *kəroy*. **mountain** *ɓərzlan*. **mouse** *okfom*. **mouse species** *zən zan*. **mouse trap** *lolokoy, ngəmngam*. **mouth** *ma*. **move** *bal*. **much** *gam*. **multiply** *ɗaslay, sak*. **mushroom** *opongo*.

## **N - n**

**nail** *ehwəɗe*. **naivety** *zənof* . **name** *sləmay*. **name of child following twins** *Aban*. **name of first twin** *Masay*.

**name of second twin** *Aləwa*. **nape** *ɗəgom*. **neck** *dəngo*. **needle** *ləpəre*. **neighbour** *dəlmete, vəymete*. **net** *zəva*. **never again** *asabay*. **newborn baby** *kokofoy*. **news** *ləbara*. **next year** *bəyaw*. **night** *ləvan*. **nine** *holombo*. **no** *ehe*. **no one** *meslenen*. **nod** *gazay*. **nose** *hənder*. **not** *bay*. **not so?** *esəmey*. **not yet** *fabay*.

**notice** *zəroy*. **noun clitic, plural** *-ahay*. **noun clitic, 1s possessive** *-əwla*. **noun clitic, 2s possessive** *-ango*. **noun clitic, 3s possessive** *-ahan*. **noun clitic, 1Pex possessive** *-aləme*. **noun clitic, 1Pin possessive** *-aloko*. **noun clitic, 2p possessive** *-aləkwəye*. **noun clitic, 3p possessive** *-ata*. **adjectiviser** *ga*. **noun suffix, respectful vocative** *-ya*. **now** *cəcəngehe, azla*. **number** *lamba*.

## **O - o**

**obligation** *dewele*. **oil** *amar*. **okra** *atəko*. **old person** *mədehwer*. **older sibling** *mədəga*. **on** *kə…aka*. **one** *bəlen*. **one complete year** *daz*. **one time** *baya*. **onion** *eteme*. **open** *vpay*. **ostrich** *erkece*. **outside** *amata*. **overwhelm** *cəɓay*. **owl** *hehen*. **oyster** *vəlalay*.

## **P - p**

**pack down** *jokoy*. **pap** *mətərak*. **paper** *ɗeləywel*. **pardon** *homboh*.

**partridge** *təkwərak*. **pass** *mbərzlay*. **pay** *par, wərkay*. **pay a debt** *hamay*. **peace** *zay, zazay*.

**peanut** *andəra*. **peanut cookie, deep fried** *azay andəra*. **peel** *cəlokoy, mbəlɗoy*. **peel off** *kərtoy*. **people** *ndam*. **Perfect** *va*. **perhaps** *azana, adan bay*. **person** *məze*. **persuade** *dəbakay*. **pierce** *caslay, zlar*. **pierce** *cazlay*. **pig** *madəras*. **pile something** *tah*. **place** *slam*. **plant** *jav, daray, zləge*. **play a wind instrument** *fe*. **please** *say*. **pluck** *rah*. **plug** *ɗak*. **polite demand** *etey*. **populate** *wasay, wəɗoy*. **possessed by** *anga*. **pot** *ɗeɗew, məsek*. **potash** *wəle*. **pound** *zlaɓay*.

**pour** *bah*. **power** *njəɗa*. **prepare** *de*. **presupposition marker** *na*. **prevent** *ngar*. **price** *cəkele*. **pronoun, 2s** *nok*. **pronoun, 3s** *ndahan*. **pronoun, 1s** *ne*. **pronoun, 1Pex** *ləme*. **pronoun, 1Pin** *loko*. **pronoun, 2p** *ləkwəye*. **pronoun, 3p** *təta*. **prince** *Yerəyma*. **prune** *kaɗay*. **publish** *wəzlay*. **pull** *gəjah*. **pull out** *həraɗ* . **pumpkin** *maɓasl*. **punish** *kətay*. **pus** *oroh*. **push** *hakay*. **put** *koroy*. **put** *faɗ* . **put horizontally** *mərcay*. **put on a roof** *var*.

**Q - q**

**quarrel** *hərnje*. **question marker** *ɗaw*.

## **R - r**


**S - s**


**school** *lekwel*. **scold** *mbe, ndahay*. **scoop** *kətefer*. **scorpion** *harac*. **scrape** *kərɗaway*. **scratch** *far*. **sea** *bəlay*. **see** *mənjar*. **seeds** *həlfe*. **seer** *kəlen*. **seize** *kəcaway*. **self** *ɓərav*.

**sell/buy** *səkom*. **send** *slar*. **separate** *njaray*. **sesame seeds/plant** *agaban*. **set** *ngay*. **set down** *faɗ* . **seven** *səsəre*. **sew** *ɓah*. **shadow** *sənewk*. **shake** *wazay*. **shake out stones** *təmbalay*. **shakers** *kweɗe kweɗe*. **shame** *məray*. **share** *wəɗakay*. **sharpen to a point** *fətaɗay*. **sheep** *təmak*. **shell** *pəlɗay*. **shepherd** *jəgor*. **shine** *wazlay*. **shine** *wəcaɗay*. **shoes** *tətərak*. **shoot an arrow** *ɓar*. **sibling** *məlama*. **sibling, spouse's** *adamay*. **sickle** *mavaɗ* . **sift** *sakay*. **silence** *goloy*. **simmer** *ngwəɗaslay*. **sit** *nje*. **six** *məko*. **skewer** *caɓay*. **skin** *hambar*. **skin** *mbəlɗoy*. **sky** *hərmbəlom*. **slander** *sahay*. **slave** *beke*. **slay** *slay*. **sleep** *ɗəwer*.

**slide** *slaray*. **slide** *soroy*. **slurp** *gorcoy*. **small amount** *nekwen*. **smallness** *cəɗew, hwəsese*. **smell** *ze*. **smile** *mbasay*. **smoke** *hazak*. **smooth** *caɗay*. **smoothness** *kwəleɗeɗe*. **snake species** *enen, gogolvon, mahaw*. **snap** *kəɓəcay*. **sniff** *gorcoy*. **snore** *daray*. **so and so** *mana*. **soak** *bolay*. **soak in order to soften** *ɗe*. **soccer ball/soccer** *balon*. **son** *gwəla*. **son, firstborn** *gəlo*. **song** *ləmes*. **sorcery** *madan*. **sore** *ambəlak*. **sorghum** *omsoko*. **sow** *gocoy*. **sparrow** *angwərzla*. **speak** *jay*. **speak badly of someone for one's own interest** *pahay*. **spear** *ezlere*. **spend time** *ve*. **spider** *mazlərpapan*. **spin** *yamay*. **spirit being** *pəra, səkar*. **spirit, bad** *wərge*. **spirit of a living thing** *sənewk*. **spit** *taf* . **split in half** *pəlslay*.

**spray** *pəray*. **spread for building** *ɗazl*. **spread out** *pasay, waɗay*. **squash, large** *layaw*. **squat** *cəɗokay*. **squeeze out** *zlokoy*. **squeeze** *bərkaday, ɗocay*. **squirrel** *ayah*. **stable** *jəgəlen*. **stake** *jəgor*. **stalk** *ɗəgocoy*. **stand** *cəke*. **star** *wərzla*. **star, large and bright** *abangay*. **star of the morning** *abangay dedew*. **star of the night** *abangay a ləho*. **start** *zlan*. **stay** *ndəray*. **steal** *karay*. **sterilize** *daslay*. **stick (noun)** *adangay*. **stick (verb)** *tapay*. **stir** *ɓal*.

**stomach** *hoɗ* . **story** *bamba*. **stranger** *merkwe*. **strength** *gədan*. **stretch** *ndərdoy*. **strip leaves from stalk** *goroy*. **succeed** *damay*. **suck** *soɓoy*. **suddenly** *jəwk jəwk*. **suffer pain** *zlakay*. **suffering** *avəya*. **suffice** *nje*. **sugar cane** *omboɗoc, reke*. **sun** *fat*. **Sunday market** *Zlaba*. **surpass** *dal*. **swallow** *ndáway*. **swear** *mbaɗay*. **sweep** *kərsoy*. **swell** *hasl*. **swim** *zlavay*. **sword** *maslalam*. **sword, traditional** *ndən nden*. **syphilis** *dolokoy*.

## **T - t**

**tail** *hwəter*. **take or steal by force** *gəjar*. **take** *zaɗ* . **take courage** *angolay*. **take leaves off stalk** *slohoy*. **take many** *dəya*. **take upon oneself** *waray*.

**talk with someone** *zlapay*. **tamarind** *mawar*. **tan (treat animal skin)** *gwəzoy*. **tap** *tokoy*. **taste** *təkam*. **taste good** *car*. **teach/learn** *dəbənay*.


**uncle, maternal** *gəmsodo*. **understand** *cen*. **undress** *cokoy*. **undress** *kərtoy*. **unite** *cəkalay*.

## **U - u**

**untie** *mbərcay*. **until** *ha*. **uproot** *tosoy*. **uproot a tree** *fakay*.

## **V - v**

**vegetable sauce** *mosokoy*. **Venus** *abangay*. **verb clitic, 3s direct object** *-na*. **verb clitic, 3p direct object** *-ta*. **verb clitic, 1s indirect object** *-aw*. **verb clitic, 2s indirect object** *-ok*. **verb clitic, 3s indirect object** *-an*. **verb clitic, 1Pex indirect object** *-aləme*. **verb clitic, 1Pin indirect object** *-aloko*. **verb clitic, 2p indirect object** *-aləkwəye*. **verb clitic, 3p indirect object** *-ata*. **verb clitic, away** *-alay*.

**verb clitic, in** *-ava*. **verb clitic, on (top of)** *-aka*. **verb clitic, towards** *-ala*. **verb clitic, Perfect** *-va*. **verb prefix, 1s/p subject** *n-*. **verb prefix, 2s/p subject** *k-*. **verb prefix, 3s subject** *a-*. **verb prefix, 3p subject** *t-*. **verb suffix, 1Pex subject** *-om*. **verb suffix, 1Pin/2p subject** *-ok*. **village** *slala*. **viper** *mətəmbətəmbezl, kwəcesl*. **voice** *dəngo*. **vomit** *vənahay*. **vulture** *azlam, molo*.

## **W - w**


**wash** *balay*. **wash clothes** *jorɓoy*. **waste** *wahay*. **watch intently** *zərɗay*. **watch over** *kasl*. **water** *yam*. **weapon** *alahar*. **wear small leather article of clothing** *pocoy*. **weave** *ndar*. **weave** *gədəgar*. **Wednesday market** *Patatah*. **Westerner** *asara*. **wet** *ndaɓay*. **what** *almay, malmay*. **what (emphatic)** *may*. **what's his/her name** *andakay*. **when** *epeley*. **where** *amtamay*. **which** *weley*. **whip** *eyeweɗ* . **whip** *ndaɓay*. **whisper** *sokoy*. **whistle** *fokoy*. **who** *way*.

**wholeness** *zay, zazay*. **why** *kamay*. **wife** *hor*. **wind (noun)** *həmaɗ* . **wind (verb)** *təɗoy*. **wings** *kərpasla*. **winnow** *vay*. **wipe** *patay*. **wipe out** *vasay*. **wisdom** *endeɓ*. **with** *nə*. **withdraw** *dar*. **without** *mənjaɗ* . **without help** *sawan*. **witness** *sede*. **woman** *hor*. **women** *hawər ahay*. **wood** *oloko*. **word** *ma*. **work** *slərele*. **work with wood or grasses** *ngay*. **worm** *mecekweɗ* . **wrap** *kəmbohoy*. **wrinkle the skin** *ngərɗasay*. **write** *wacay*.

**Y - y**

**yam** *oɓolo*. **yard** *gala*. **year** *məvəye*. **yes** *ayaw*. **yesterday** *apazan*.

## **References**


### References


### References


Smith, Tony. 1999. *Muyang phonology*. http://sil.org/resources/archives/47744.


## **Name index**

Blama, Tchari, 5 Bow, Catherine, 3, 5, 37, 40, 42–44, 46–48, 51–55, 57, 58, 60, 61, 63, 64, 66, 67, 69, 78, 80, 127, 129, 133, 134, 150, 157, 177, 178, 183, 186–188, 190, 192, 197, 200, 206, 208, 219, 246, 338, 391 Boyd, Virginia, 5, 37, 57, 82, 177, 183, 224, 338, 391 Bradley, Karen M., 5 Bybee, Joan, 254 Chafe, Wallace L., 352, 353 Colombel, Véronique de, 5 Comrie, Bernard, 217, 219, 243, 254 DeLancey, Scott, 209, 274 Dieu, Michel, 3 Dixon, R. M. W., 87, 93, 98, 217, 219 Doke, Clement M., 110, 115 Fennig, Charles D., 3 Frajzyngier, Zygmunt, 75, 216 Friesen, Dianne, 3, 5, 37, 43, 46, 51, 52, 54, 57, 61, 62, 171, 177, 178, 180, 185, 190, 192, 193, 195, 197, 199–201, 204, 206, 209, 212, 213, 217, 218, 221, 224, 231, 233, 235, 236, 239, 243, 248–250, 257, 264, 269, 273, 293, 343, 346, 347, 366, 376, 383, 385, 391

Givón, Talmy, 125 Gravina, R., 64 Gravina, Richard, 64, 129, 188 Hajek, John, 43 Heine, Bernd, 254 Holmaka, Marcel, 5 Hwang, Shin Ja, 356 Hyman, Larry M., 2 Kinnaird, William J., 64, 275 Kuteva, Tania, 254 Lambrecht, Knud, 338, 352, 355 Levinsohn, Stephen H., 338 Lewis, M. Paul, 3 Longacre, Robert E., 346, 356 Mamalis, Megan, 5, 37, 51, 57, 61, 62, 171, 177, 178, 180, 185, 190, 192, 193, 195, 197, 199–201, 204, 206, 209, 212, 217, 218, 221, 224, 231, 233, 235, 236, 239, 243, 249, 250, 257, 264, 269, 273, 293, 391 Mbuagbaw, Tanyi E., 129 Moloko Translation Committee, 5 Ndokobai, Dadak, 64, 275 Newman, Paul, 2, 115, 200, 241, 273 Olson, Kenneth S., 43 Oumar, Abraham, 5

### Name index

Pagliuca, William, 254 Payne, Thomas, 70, 217, 263 Perkins, Revere, 254

Radford, Andrew, 258 Renaud, Patrick, 3 Roberts, James S., 37, 38 Rossing, Melvin Olaf, 5

Shay, E., 216 Simons, Gary F., 3 Smith, Tony, 37, 188 Starr, Alan, 3, 5, 391

Tong, Edward, 109

Viljoen, Melanie H., 275

Wolff, Ekkehard, 40

Yip, Moira, 58

## **Language index**

Buwal, 275<sup>3</sup> Cuvok, 64<sup>27</sup> , 275<sup>3</sup> Dugwor, 3 Fulfulde, 3, 3 2 , 5, 109 Gemzek, 3, 64<sup>27</sup> Giziga, 3 Mbuko, 3, 64<sup>27</sup> , 129, 188<sup>14</sup> Muyang, 3, 37<sup>2</sup> , 64<sup>27</sup> , 188<sup>14</sup> Vame, 64<sup>27</sup> , 275<sup>3</sup>

## **Subject index**

Adpositionals, 107, 108, 176, 199, 201, 236–238 Attribution Comparative constructions, 173 Derived adjectives, 149–156 Expressed using verb, 277, 290 Ideophones, 118 Permanent attribution construction, 160–163 Clitics Adpositionals, 236–243 Criteria for, 70–71 Directionals, 239–243 Perfect, 243–248 Plural, 134 Possessive pronoun, 77 Cohesion Anaphoric referencing, 74, 89, 96 Na-marking, 350 Participant tracking, 205, 215, 352 Point of reference, 243 Tail-head linking, 346

### Deixis

Definiteness, 355–356 Demonstrative function of *ga*, 153–156 Demonstratives and demonstrationals, 86–99

Directionals, 239–243 Locational, 171, 174, 175, 236 Pronouns and pro-forms, 75 Proper Names, 138 Derivational processes Noun to adjective, 149 Noun to adverb, 111 Verb to noun, 131, 249–254 Directionals, 69, 199, 201, 239–243

Focus and prominence Definiteness, 153 Discourse peak, 75, 120–123, 252, 267, 269, 272, 305, 357, 380, 387 Ideophones, 122 Local adverbial demonstratives, 93–95 *Na* marker, 337–361 Stem plus ideophone auxiliary, 269 Topicalisation, 338<sup>2</sup> Verb focus construction, 253

Ideophone, 115–124, 177, 257–261, 263, 269–272, 307, 350

Noun class A-prefix, 132 Sub-classes of nouns, 132–136 Noun incorporation, 293–305

### Plurality

### Subject index

Noun plurals, 133–136 Numerals and quantifiers, 99– 104 Pluralisation within the noun phrase, 134 Verb plurals, 204–208, 233–235, 241 Presupposition constructions, 337– 361 Prosody (labialisation or palatalization), 40–43, 48, 54, 187– 188 Tense, mood, and aspect Aspect in complement clauses, 364 Aspect in intransitive clauses, 286 Habitual iterative aspect, 233– 235 Imperfective aspect, 58, 200, 208, 219–224, 247, 286–288, 291, 332–334 Intermittent iterative, 235 Irrealis mood, 187, 190, 199–201, 224–233, 332–333, 335, 368 Mood in adverbial clauses, 370 Mood in noun phrase, 162 Perfect, 59, 71, 199, 201, 243–248, 260, 286–288, 290 Perfective aspect, 58, 200, 208, 217–219, 247, 286, 290 Pluractional, 241 Progressive, 109, 264–268, 276, 346 Transitivity, 273–305 Clauses with zero transitivity, 122–124, 227<sup>18</sup> , 272–273, 305

Verb classification, 178–197

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## A grammar of Moloko

This grammar provides the first comprehensive grammatical description of Moloko, a Chadic language spoken by about 10,000 speakers in northern Cameroon. The grammar was developed from hours and years that the authors spent at friends' houses hearing and recording stories, hours spent listening to the tapes and transcribing the stories, then translating them and studying the language through them.

Intriguing phonological aspects of Moloko include the fact that words have a consonantal skeleton and only one underlying vowel (but with ten phonetic variants). The simplicity of the vowel system contrasts with the complexity of the verb word, which can include information (in addition to the verbal idea) about subject, direct object (semantic Theme), indirect object (recipient or beneficiary), direction, location, aspect (Imperfective and Perfective), mood (indicative, irrealis, iterative), and Perfect aspect. Some of the fascinating aspects about the grammar of Moloko include transitivity issues, question formation, presupposition, and the absence of simple adjectives as a grammatical class. Most verbs are not inherently transitive or intransitive, but rather the semantics is tied to the number and type of core grammatical relations in a clause. Morphologically, two types of verb pronominals indicate two kinds of direct object; both are found in ditransitive clauses. Noun incorporation of special 'body-part' nouns in some verbs adds another grammatical argument and changes the lexical characteristics of the verb. Clauses of zero transitivity can occur in main clauses due to the use of dependent verb forms and ideophones. Question formation is interesting in that the interrogative pronoun is clausefinal for most constructions. The clause will sometimes be reconfigured so that the interrogative pronoun can be clause-final. Expectation is a foundational pillar for Moloko grammar. Three types of irrealis mood relate to speaker's expectation concerning the accomplishment of an event. Clauses are organised around the concept of presupposition, through the use of the na-construction. Known or expected elements are marked with the na particle. There are no simple adjectives in Moloko; all adjectives are derived from nouns.